We're taking part in Copyright Week, a series of actions and discussions supporting key principles that should guide copyright policy. Every day this week, various groups are taking on different elements of copyright law and policy, and addressing what's at stake, and what we need to do to make sure that copyright promotes creativity and innovation 

One of the unintended consequences of the internet is that more of us than ever are aware of how much of our lives is affected by copyright. People see their favorite YouTuber’s video get removed or re-edited due to copyright. People know they can’t tinker with or fix their devices. And people have realized, and are angry about, the fact that they don’t own much of the media they have paid for.  

All of this is to say that copyright is no longer—if it ever was—a niche concern of certain industries. As corporations have pushed to expand copyright, they have made it everyone’s problem. And that means they don’t get to make the law in secret anymore. 

Twelve years ago, a diverse coalition of Internet users, non-profit groups, and Internet companies defeated the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and the PROTECT IP Act (PIPA), bills that would have forced Internet companies to blacklist and block websites accused of hosting copyright infringing content. These were bills that would have made censorship very easy, all in the name of copyright protection. 

As people raise more and more concerns about the major technology companies that control our online lives, it’s important not to fall into the trap of thinking that copyright will save us. As SOPA/PIPA reminds us: expanding copyright serves the gatekeepers, not the users.  

We continue to fight for a version of copyright that does what it is supposed to. And so, every year, EFF and a number of diverse organizations participate in Copyright Week. Each year, we pick five copyright issues to highlight and advocate a set of principles of copyright law. This year’s issues are: 

• Monday: Copyright Policy Should Be Made in the Open With Input From Everyone: Copyright is not a niche concern. It affects everyone’s experience online, therefore laws and policy should be made in the open and with users’ concerns represented and taken into account. 

• Tuesday: Copyright Enforcement as a Tool of Censorship: Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right essential to a functioning democracy. Copyright should encourage more speech, not act as a legal cudgel to silence it.  

• Wednesday: Device and Digital Ownership: As the things we buy increasingly exist either in digital form or as devices with software, we also find ourselves subject to onerous licensing agreements and technological restrictions. If you buy something, you should be able to truly own it – meaning you can learn how it works, repair it, remove unwanted features, or tinker with it to make it work in a new way.  

• Thursday: The Preservation and Sharing of Information and Culture: Copyright often blocks the preservation and sharing of information and culture, traditionally in the public interest. Copyright law and policy should encourage and not discourage the saving and sharing of information. 

• Friday: Free Expression and Fair Use: Copyright policy should encourage creativity, not hamper it. Fair use makes it possible for us to comment, criticize, and rework our common culture.  

Every day this week, we’ll be sharing links to blog posts on these topics at https://www.eff.org/copyrightweek. 

In a major win for creator communities, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit has once again handed video streaming site Vimeo a solid win in its long-running legal battle with Capitol Records and a host of other record labels.

The labels claimed that Vimeo was liable for copyright infringement on its site, and specifically that it can’t rely on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act’s safe harbor because Vimeo employees “interacted” with user-uploaded videos that included infringing recordings of musical performances owned by the labels. Those interactions included commenting on, liking, promoting, demoting , or posting them elsewhere on the site. The record labels contended that these videos contained popular songs, and it would’ve been obvious to Vimeo employees that this music was unlicensed.

But as EFF explained in an amicus brief filed in support of Vimeo, even rightsholders themselves mistakenly demand takedowns. Labels often request takedowns of music they don’t own or control, and even request takedowns of their own content. They also regularly target fair uses. When rightsholders themselves cannot accurately identify infringement, courts cannot presume that a service provider can do so, much less a blanket presumption as to hundreds of videos.

In an earlier ruling, the court  held that the labels had to show that it would be apparent to a person without specialized knowledge of copyright law that the particular use of the music was unlawful, or prove that the Vimeo workers had expertise in copyright law. The labels argued that Vimeo’s own efforts to educate its employees and user about copyright, among other circumstantial evidence, were enough to meet that burden. The Second Circuit disagreed, finding that:

Vimeo’s exercise of prudence in instructing employees not to use copyrighted music and advising users that use of copyrighted music “generally (but not always) constitutes copyright infringement” did not educate its employees about how to distinguish between infringing uses and fair use.

The Second Circuit also rejected another equally dangerous argument: that Vimeo lost safe harbor protection by receiving a “financial benefit” from infringing activity, such as user-uploaded videos, that the platform had a “right and ability to control.” The labels contended that any website that exercises editorial judgment—for example, by removing, curating, or organizing content—would necessarily have the “right and ability to control” that content. If they were correct, ordinary content moderation would put a platform at risk of crushing copyright liability.

As the Second Circuit put it, the labels’ argument:

would substantially undermine what has generally been understood to be one of Congress’s major objectives in passing the DMCA: encouraging entrepreneurs to establish websites that can offer the public rapid, efficient, and inexpensive means of communication by shielding service providers from liability for infringements placed on the sites by users.

Fortunately, the Second Circuit’s decisions in this case help preserve the safe harbors and the expression and innovation that they make possible. But it should not have taken well over a decade of litigation—and likely several millions of dollars in legal fees—to get there.

No one gets to abuse copyright to shut down debate. Because of that, we at EFF represent Channel 781, a group of citizen journalists whose YouTube channel was temporarily shut down following copyright infringement claims made by Waltham Community Access Corporation (WCAC). As part of that case, the federal court in Massachusetts heard oral arguments in Channel 781 News v. Waltham Community Access Corporation, a pivotal case for copyright law and digital journalism. 

WCAC, Waltham’s public access channel, records city council meetings on video. Channel 781, a group of independent journalists, curates clips of those meetings for its YouTube channel, along with original programming, to spark debate on issues like housing policy and real estate development. WCAC sent a series of DMCA takedown notices that accused Channel 781 of copyright infringement, resulting in YouTube deactivating Channel 781’s channel just days before a critical municipal election.

Represented by EFF and the law firm Brown Rudnick LLP, Channel 781 sued WCAC for misrepresentations in its DMCA takedown notices. We argued that using clips of government meetings from the government access station to engage in public debate is an obvious fair use under copyright. Also, by excerpting factual recordings and using captions to improve accessibility, the group aims to educate the public, a purpose distinct from WCAC’s unannotated broadcasts of hours-long meetings. The lawsuit alleges that WCAC’s takedown requests knowingly misrepresented the legality of Channel 781's use, violating Section 512(f) of the DMCA.

Fighting a Motion to Dismiss

In court this week, EFF pushed back against WCAC’s motion to dismiss the case. We argued to District Judge Patti Saris that Channel 781’s use of video clips of city government meetings was an obvious fair use, and that by failing to consider fair use before sending takedown notices to YouTube, WCAC violated the law and should be liable for damages.

If Judge Saris denies WCAC’s motion, we will move on to proving our case. We’re confident that the outcome will promote accountability for copyright holders who misuse the powerful notice-and-takedown mechanism that the DMCA provides, and also protect citizen journalists in their use of digital tools.

EFF will continue to provide updates as the case develops. Stay tuned for the latest news on this critical fight for free expression and the protection of digital rights.

Performers and ordinary humans are increasingly concerned that they may be replaced or defamed by AI-generated imitations. We’re seeing a host of bills designed to address that concern – but every one just generates new problems. Case in point: the NO FAKES Act. We flagged numerous flaws in a “discussion draft” back in April, to no avail: the final text has been released, and it’s even worse.  

NO FAKES creates a classic “hecklers’ veto”: anyone can use a specious accusation to get speech they don’t like taken down.

Under NO FAKES, any human person has the right to sue anyone who has either made, or made available, their “digital replica.” A replica is broadly defined as “a newly-created, computer generated, electronic representation of the image, voice or visual likeness” of a person. The right applies to the person themselves; anyone who has a license to use their image, voice, or likeness; and their heirs for up to 70 years after the person dies. Because it is a federal intellectual property right, Section 230 protections – a crucial liability shield for platforms and anyone else that hosts or shares user-generated content—will not apply. And that legal risk begins the moment a person gets a notice that the content is unlawful, even if they didn't create the replica and have no way to confirm whether or not it was authorized, or have any way to verify the claim. NO FAKES thereby creates a classic “hecklers’ veto”: anyone can use a specious accusation to get speech they don’t like taken down.  

The bill proposes a variety of exclusions for news, satire, biopics, criticism, etc. to limit the impact on free expression, but their application is uncertain at best. For example, there’s an exemption for use of a replica for a “bona fide” news broadcast, provided that the replica is “materially relevant” to the subject of the broadcast. Will citizen journalism qualify as “bona fide”? And who decides whether the replica is “materially relevant”?  

These are just some of the many open questions, all of which will lead to full employment for lawyers, but likely no one else, particularly not those whose livelihood depends on the freedom to create journalism or art about famous people. 

The bill also includes a safe harbor scheme modelled on the DMCA notice and takedown process. To stay within the NO FAKES safe harbors, a platform that receives a notice of illegality must remove “all instances” of the allegedly unlawful content—a broad requirement that will encourage platforms to adopt “replica filters” similar to the deeply flawed copyright filters like YouTube’s Content I.D. Platforms that ignore such a notice can be on the hook just for linking to unauthorized replicas. And every single copy made, transmitted, or displayed is a separate violation incurring a $5000 penalty – which will add up fast. The bill does throw platforms a not-very-helpful-bone: if they can show they had an objectively reasonable belief that the content was lawful, they only have to cough up $1 million if they guess wrong.  

All of this is a recipe for private censorship. For decades, the DMCA process has been regularly abused to target lawful speech, and there’s every reason to suppose NO FAKES will lead to the same result.  

All of this is a recipe for private censorship. 

What is worse, NO FAKES offers even fewer safeguards for lawful speech than the DMCA. For example, the DMCA includes a relatively simple counter-notice process that a speaker can use to get their work restored. NO FAKES does not. Instead, NO FAKES puts the burden on the speaker to run to court within 14 days to defend their rights. The powerful have lawyers on retainer who can do that, but most creators, activists, and citizen journalists do not.  

NO FAKES does include a provision that, in theory, would allow improperly targeted speakers to hold notice senders accountable. But they must prove that the lie was “knowing,” which can be interpreted to mean that the sender gets off scot-free as long as they subjectively believes the lie to be true, no matter how unreasonable that belief. Given the multiple open questions about how to interpret the various exemptions (not to mention the common confusions about the limits of IP protection that we’ve already seen), that’s pretty cold comfort. 

These significant flaws should doom the bill, and that’s a shame. Deceptive AI-generated replicas can cause real harms, and performers have a right to fair compensation for the use of their likenesses, should they choose to allow that use. Existing laws can address most of this, but Congress should be considering narrowly-targeted and proportionate proposals to fill in the gaps.  

The NO FAKES Act is neither targeted nor proportionate. It’s also a significant Congressional overreach—the Constitution forbids granting a property right in (and therefore a monopoly over) facts, including a person’s name or likeness.  

The best we can say about NO FAKES is that it has provisions protecting individuals with unequal bargaining power in negotiations around use of their likeness. For example, the new right can’t be completely transferred to someone else (like a film studio or advertising agency) while the person is alive, so a person can’t be pressured or tricked into handing over total control of their public identity (their heirs still can, but the dead celebrity presumably won’t care). And minors have some additional protections, such as a limit on how long their rights can be licensed before they are adults.   

TAKE ACTION

Throw Out the NO FAKES Act and Start Over

But the costs of the bill far outweigh the benefits. NO FAKES creates an expansive and confusing new intellectual property right that lasts far longer than is reasonable or prudent, and has far too few safeguards for lawful speech. The Senate should throw it out and start over. 

Section 1201 of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act is a ban on reading any copyrighted work that is encumbered by access restrictions. It makes it illegal for you to read and understand the code that determines how your phone or car works and whether those devices are safe. It makes it illegal to create fair use videos for expressive purposes, reporting, or teaching. It makes it illegal for people with disabilities to convert ebooks they own into a format they can perceive. EFF and co-counsel at WSGR challenged Section 1201 in court on behalf of computer science professor Matthew Green and engineer Andrew “bunnie” Huang, and we asked the court to invalidate the law on First Amendment grounds.

Despite this law's many burdens on expression and research, the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit concluded that these restrictions are necessary to incentivize copyright owners to publish works online, and rejected our court challenge. It reached this conclusion despite the evidence that many works are published without digital access restrictions (such as mp3 files sold without DRM) and the fact that people willingly pay for copyrighted works even though they're readily available through piracy. Once again, copyright law has been used to squash expression in order to serve a particular business model favored by rightsholders, and we are all the poorer for it.

Integral to the Court’s decision was the conclusion that Section 1201’s ban on circumvention of access restrictions is a regulation of “conduct” rather than “speech.” This is akin to saying that the government could regulate the reading of microfiche as “conduct” rather than “speech,” because technology is necessary to do so. Of course you want to be able to read the microfiche you purchased, but you can only do so using the licensed microfiche reader the copyright owner sells you. And if that reader doesn’t meet your needs because you’re blind or you want to excerpt the microfiche to make your own fair use materials, the government can make it illegal for you to use a reader that does.

It’s a back door into speech regulation that favors large, commercial entertainment products over everyday people using those works for their own, fair-use expression or for documentary films or media literacy.

Even worse, the law governs access to copyrighted software. In the microfiche analogy, this would be microfiche that’s locked inside your car or phone or other digital device that you’re never allowed to read. It’s illegal to learn how technology works under this regime, which is very dangerous for our digital future.

The Court asserts that the existing defenses to the anti-circumvention law are good enough – even though the Library of Congress has repeatedly admitted that they weren’t when it decided to issue exemptions to expand them.

All in all, the opinion represents a victory for rightsholder business models that allow them to profit by eroding the traditional rights of fair users, and a victory for device manufacturers that would like to run software in your devices that you’re not allowed to understand or change.

Courts must reject the mistaken notion that draconian copyright regimes are helpful to “expression” as a general matter rather than just the largest copyright owners. EFF will continue to fight for your rights to express yourself and to understand the technology in your life.

Did you know Disney’s Steamboat Willie entered the public domain this year? Since its 1928 debut, U.S. Congress has made multiple changes to copyright law, extending Disney’s ownership of this cultural icon for almost a century. A century.

Creativity should spark more creativity.

That’s not how intellectual property laws are supposed to work. In the United States, these laws were designed to give creators a financial incentive to contribute to science and culture. Then eventually the law makes this expression free for everyone to enjoy and build upon. Disney itself has reaped the abundant benefits of works in the public domain including Hans Christian Andersen’s “The Little Mermaid" and "The Snow Queen." Creativity should spark more creativity.

In that spirit, EFF presents to you this year’s EFF member t-shirt simply called “Fix Copyright":

Copyright Creativity is fun for the whole family.

The design references Steamboat Willie, but also tractor owners’ ongoing battle to repair their equipment despite threats from manufacturers like John Deere. These legal maneuvers are based on Section 1201 of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act or DMCA. In a recent appeals court brief, EFF and co-counsel Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati argued that Section 1201 chills free expression, impedes scientific research, and to top it off, is unenforceable because it’s too broad and violates the First Amendment. Ownership ain’t what it used to be, so let’s make it better.

We need you! Get behind this mission and support EFF's work as a member. Through EFF's 34th anniversary on July 10:

• Be an EFF member for as little as $20!
• New recurring monthly or annual donations get an automatic match thanks to a $30,000 challenge grant from Craig Newmark Philanthropies.
• Get 2 rare gifts featuring our friends, The Encryptids (get in step with Bigfoot over here).

You can help cut through the BS and make the world a little brighter—whether online or off.

Join EFF

Defend Creativity & Innovation Online

_________________________

EFF is a member-supported U.S. 501(c)(3) organization celebrating TEN YEARS of top ratings from the nonprofit watchdog Charity Navigator! Your donation is tax-deductible as allowed by law.