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Systemic Risk Reporting: A System in Crisis?

16 janvier 2025 à 12:45

The first batch of reports assessing the so called “systemic risks” posed by the largest online platforms are in. These reports are a result of the Digital Services Act (DSA), Europe’s new law regulating platforms like Google, Meta, Amazon or X, and have been eagerly awaited by civil society groups across the globe. In their reports, companies are supposed to assess whether their services contribute to a wide range of barely defined risks. These go beyond the dissemination of illegal content and include vaguely defined categories such as negative effects on the integrity of elections, impediments to the exercise of fundamental rights or undermining of civic discourse. We have previously warned that the subjectivity of these categories invites a politization of the DSA.  

In view of a new DSA investigation into TikTok’s potential role in Romania’s presidential election, we take a look at the reports and the framework that has produced them to understand their value and limitations.  

A Short DSA Explainer  

The DSA covers a lot of different services. It regulates online markets like Amazon or Shein, social networks like Instagram and TikTok, search engines like Google and Bing, and even app stores like those run by Apple and Google. Different obligations apply to different services, depending on their type and size. Generally, the lower the degree of control a service provider has over content shared via its product, the fewer obligations it needs to comply with.   

For example, hosting services like cloud computing must provide points of contact for government authorities and users and basic transparency reporting. Online platforms, meaning any service that makes user generated content available to the public, must meet additional requirements like providing users with detailed information about content moderation decisions and the right to appeal. They must also comply with additional transparency obligations.  

While the DSA is a necessary update to the EU’s liability rules and improved users’ rights, we have plenty of concerns with the route that it takes:  

  • We worry about the powers it gives to authorities to request user data and the obligation on providers to proactively share user data with law enforcement.  
  • We are also concerned about the ways in which trusted flaggers could lead to the over-removal of speech, and  
  • We caution against the misuse of the DSA’s mechanism to deal with emergencies like a pandemic. 

Introducing Systemic Risks 

The most stringent DSA obligations apply to large online platforms and search engines that have more than 45 million users in the EU. The European Commission has so far designated more than 20 services to constitute such “very large online platforms” (VLOPs) or “very large online search engines” (VLOSEs). These companies, which include X, TikTok, Amazon, Google Search, Maps and Play, YouTube and several porn platforms, must proactively assess and mitigate “systemic risks” related to the design, operation and use of their services. The DSA’s non-conclusive list of risks includes four broad categories: 1) the dissemination of illegal content, 2) negative effects on the exercise of fundamental rights, 3) threats to elections, civic discourse and public safety, and 4) negative effects and consequences in relation to gender-based violence, protection of minors and public health, and on a person’s physical and mental wellbeing.  

The DSA does not provide much guidance on how VLOPs and VLOSEs are supposed to analyze whether they contribute to the somewhat arbitrary seeming list of risks mentioned. Nor does the law offer clear definitions of how these risks should be understood, leading to concerns that they could be interpreted widely and lead to the extensive removal of lawful but awful content. There is equally little guidance on risk mitigation as the DSA merely names a few measures that platforms can choose to employ. Some of these recommendations are incredibly broad, such as adapting the design, features or functioning of a service, or “reinforcing internal processes”. Others, like introducing age verification measures, are much more specific but come with a host of issues and can undermine fundamental rights themselves.   

Risk Management Through the Lens of the Romanian Election 

Per the DSA, platforms must annually publish reports detailing how they have analyzed and managed risks. These reports are complemented by separate reports compiled by external auditors, tasked with assessing platforms’ compliance with their obligations to manage risks and other obligations put forward by the DSA.  

To better understand the merits and limitations of these reports, let’s examine the example of the recent Romanian election. In late November 2024, an ultranationalist and pro-Russian candidate, Calin Georgescu, unexpectedly won the first round of Romania’s presidential election. After reports by local civil society groups accusing TikTok of amplifying pro-Georgescu content, and a declassified brief published by Romania’s intelligence services that alleges cyberattacks and influence operations, the Romanian constitutional court annulled the results of the election. Shortly after, the European Commission opened formal proceedings against TikTok for insufficiently managing systemic risks related to the integrity of the Romanian election. Specifically, the Commission’s investigation focuses on “TikTok's recommender systems, notably the risks linked to the coordinated inauthentic manipulation or automated exploitation of the service and TikTok's policies on political advertisements and paid-for political content.” 

TikTok’s own risk assessment report dedicates eight pages to potential negative effects on elections and civic discourse. Curiously, TikTok’s definition of this particular category of risk focuses on the spread of election misinformation but makes no mention of coordinated inauthentic behavior or the manipulation of its recommender systems. This illustrates the wide margin on platforms to define systemic risks and implement their own mitigation strategies. Leaving it up to platforms to define relevant risks not only makes the comparison of approaches taken by different companies impossible, it can also lead to overly broad or narrow approachespotentially undermining fundamental rights or running counter to the obligation to effectively deal with risks, as in this example. It should also be noted that mis- and disinformation are terms not defined by international human rights law and are therefore not well suited as a robust basis on which freedom of expression may be restricted.  

In its report, TikTok describes the measures taken to mitigate potential risks to elections and civic discourse. This overview broadly describes some election-specific interventions like labels for content that has not been fact checked but might contain misinformation, and describes TikTok’s policies like its ban of political ads, which is notoriously easy to circumvent. It does not entail any indication that the robustness and utility of the measures employed are documented or have been tested, nor any benchmarks of when TikTok considers a risk successfully mitigated. It does not, for example, contain figures on how many pieces of content receive certain labels, and how these influence users’ interactions with the content in question.  

Similarly, the report does not contain any data regarding the efficacy of TikTok’s enforcement of its political ads ban. TikTok’s “methodology” for risk assessments, also included in the report, does not help in answering any of these questions, either. And looking at the report compiled by the external auditor, in this case KPMG, we are once again left disappointed: KPMG concluded that it was impossible to assess TikTok’s systemic risk compliance because of two earlier, pending investigations by the European Commission due to potential non-compliance with the systemic risk mitigation obligations. 

Limitations of the DSA’s Risk Governance Approach 

What then, is the value of the risk and audit reports, published roughly a year after their finalization? The answer may be very little.  

As explained above, companies have a lot of flexibility in how to assess and deal with risks. On the one hand, some degree of flexibility is necessary: every VLOP and VLOSE differs significantly in terms of product logics, policies, user base and design choices. On the other hand, the high degree of flexibility in determining what exactly a systemic risk is can lead to significant inconsistencies and render risk analysis unreliable. It also allows regulators to put forward their own definitions, thereby potentially expanding risk categories as they see fit to deal with emerging or politically salient issues.  

Rather than making sense of diverse and possibly conflicting definitions of risks, companies and regulators should put forward joint benchmarks, and include civil society experts in the process. 

Speaking of benchmarks: There is a critical lack of standardized processes, assessment methodologies and reporting templates. Most assessment reports contain very little information on how the actual assessments are carried out, and the auditors’ reports distinguish themselves through an almost complete lack of insight into the auditing process itself. This information is crucial, but it is near impossible to adequately scrutinize the reports themselves without understanding whether auditors were provided the necessary information, whether they ran into any roadblocks looking at specific issues, and how evidence was produced and documented. And without methodologies that are applicable across the board it will remain very challenging, if not impossible, to compare approaches taken by different companies.  

The TikTok example shows that the risk and audit reports do not contain the “smoking gun” some might have hoped for. Besides the shortcomings explained above, this is due to the inherent limitations of the DSA itself. Although the DSA attempts to take a holistic approach to complex societal risks that cut across different but interconnected challenges, its reporting system is forced to only consider the obligations put forward by the DSA itself. Any legal assessment framework will struggle to capture complex societal challenges like the integrity of elections or public safety. In addition, phenomena as complex as electoral processes and civic discourse are shaped by a range of different legal instruments, including European rules on political ads, data protection, cybersecurity and media pluralism, not to mention countless national laws. Expecting a definitive answer on the potential implications of large online services on complex societal processes from a risk report will therefore always fall short.  

The Way Forward  

The reports do present a slight improvement in terms of companies’ accountability and transparency. Even if the reports may not include the hard evidence of non-compliance some might have expected, they are a starting point to understanding how platforms attempt to grapple with complex issues taking place on their services. As such, they are, at best, the basis for an iterative approach to compliance. But many of the risks described by the DSA as systemic and their relationships with online services are still poorly understood.  

Instead of relying on platforms or regulators to define how risks should be conceptualized and mitigated, a joint approach is neededone that builds on expertise by civil society, academics and activists, and emphasizes best practices. A collaborative approach would help make sense of these complex challenges and how they can be addressed in ways that strengthen users’ rights and protect fundamental rights.  

Five Things to Know about the Supreme Court Case on Texas’ Age Verification Law, Free Speech Coalition v Paxton

Par : Jason Kelley
13 janvier 2025 à 16:02

The Supreme Court will hear arguments on Wednesday in a case that will determine whether states can violate adults’ First Amendment rights to access sexual content online by requiring them to verify their age.  

The case, Free Speech Coalition v. Paxton, could have far-reaching effects for every internet users’ free speech, anonymity, and privacy rights. The Supreme Court will decide whether a Texas law, HB1181, is constitutional. HB 1811 requires a huge swath of websites—many that would likely not consider themselves adult content websites—to implement age verification.  

The plaintiff in this case is the Free Speech Coalition, the nonprofit non-partisan trade association for the adult industry, and the Defendant is Texas, represented by Ken Paxton, the state’s Attorney General. But this case is about much more than adult content or the adult content industry. State and federal lawmakers across the country have recently turned to ill-conceived, unconstitutional, and dangerous censorship legislation that would force websites to determine the identity of users before allowing them access to protected speech—in some cases, social media. If the Supreme Court were to side with Texas, it would open the door to a slew of state laws that frustrate internet users First Amendment rights and make them less secure online. Here's what you need to know about the upcoming arguments, and why it’s critical for the Supreme Court to get this case right.

1. Adult Content is Protected Speech, and It Violates the First Amendment for a State to Require Age-Verification to Access It.  

Under U.S. law, adult content is protected speech. Under the Constitution and a history of legal precedent, a legal restriction on access to protected speech must pass a very high bar. Requiring invasive age verification to access protected speech online simply does not pass that test. Here’s why: 

While other laws prohibit the sale of adult content to minors and result in age verification via a government ID or other proof-of-age in physical spaces, there are practical differences that make those disclosures less burdensome or even nonexistent compared to online prohibitions. Because of the sheer scale of the internet, regulations affecting online content sweep in millions of people who are obviously adults, not just those who visit physical bookstores or other places to access adult materials, and not just those who might perhaps be seventeen or under.  

First, under HB 1181, any website that Texas decides is composed of “one-third” or more of “sexual material harmful to minors” is forced to collect age-verifying personal information from all visitors—even to access the other two-thirds of material that is not adult content.  

Second, while there are a variety of methods for verifying age online, the Texas law generally forces adults to submit personal information over the internet to access entire websites, not just specific sexual materials. This is the most common method of online age verification today, and the law doesn't set out a specific method for websites to verify ages. But fifteen million adult U.S. citizens do not have a driver’s license, and over two million have no form of photo ID. Other methods of age verification, such as using online transactional data, would also exclude a large number of people who, for example, don’t have a mortgage.  

The personal data disclosed via age verification is extremely sensitive, and unlike a password, often cannot easily (or ever) be changed.

Less accurate methods, such as “age estimation,” which are usually based solely on an image or video of their face alone, have their own privacy concerns. These methods are unable to determine with any accuracy whether a large number of people—for example, those over seventeen but under twenty-five years old—are the age they claim to be. These technologies are unlikely to satisfy the requirements of HB 1181 anyway. 

Third, even for people who are able to verify their age, the law still deters adult users from speaking and accessing lawful content by undermining anonymous internet browsing. Courts have consistently ruled that anonymity is an aspect of the freedom of speech protected by the First Amendment.  

Lastly, compliance with the law will require websites to retain this information, exposing their users to a variety of anonymity, privacy, and security risks not present when briefly flashing an ID card to a cashier.  

2. HB1181 Requires Every Adult in Texas to Verify Their Age to See Legally Protected Content, Creating a Privacy and Data Security Nightmare. 

Once information is shared to verify a user’s age, there’s no real way for a website visitor to be certain that the data they’re handing over is not going to be retained and used by the website, or further shared or even sold. Age verification systems are surveillance systems. Users must trust that the website they visit, or its third-party verification service, both of which could be fly-by-night companies with no published privacy standards, are following these rules. While many users will simply not access the content as a result—see the above point—others may accept the risk, at their peril.  

There is real risk that website employees will misuse the data, or that thieves will steal it. Data breaches affect nearly everyone in the U.S. Last year, age verification company AU10TIX encountered a breach, and there’s no reason to suspect this issue won’t grow if more websites are required, by law, to use age verification. The more information a website collects, the more chances there are for it to get into the hands of a marketing company, a bad actor, or someone who has filed a subpoena for it.  

The personal data disclosed via age verification is extremely sensitive, and unlike a password, often cannot easily (or ever) be changed. The law amplifies the security risks because it applies to such sensitive websites, potentially allowing a website or bad actor to link this personal information with the website at issue, or even with the specific types of adult content that a person views. This sets up a dangerous regime that would reasonably frighten many users away viewing the site in the first place. Given the regularity of data breaches of less sensitive information, HB1811 creates a perfect storm for data privacy. 

3. This Decision Could Have a Huge Impact on Other States with Similar Laws, as Well as Future Laws Requiring Online Age Verification.  

More than a third of U.S. states have introduced or enacted laws similar to Texas’ HB1181. This ruling could have major consequences for those laws and for the freedom of adults across the country to safely and anonymously access protected speech online, because the precedent the Court sets here could apply to both those and future laws. A bad decision in this case could be seen as a green light for federal lawmakers who are interested in a broader national age verification requirement on online pornography. 

It’s also not just adult content that’s at risk. A ruling from the Court on HB1181 that allows Texas violate the First Amendment here could make it harder to fight state and federal laws like the Kids Online Safety Act which would force users to verify their ages before accessing social media. 

4. The Supreme Court Has Rightly Struck Down Similar Laws Before.  

In 1997, the Supreme Court struck down, in a 7-2 decision, a federal online age-verification law in Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union. In that landmark free speech case the court ruled that many elements of the Communications Decency Act violated the First Amendment, including part of the law making it a crime for anyone to engage in online speech that is "indecent" or "patently offensive" if the speech could be viewed by a minor. Like HB1181, that law would have resulted in many users being unable to view constitutionally protected speech, as many websites would have had to implement age verification, while others would have been forced to shut down.  

Because courts have consistently held that similar age verification laws are unconstitutional, the precedent is clear. 

The CDA fight was one of the first big rallying points for online freedom, and EFF participated as both a plaintiff and as co-counsel. When the law first passed, thousands of websites turned their backgrounds black in protest. EFF launched its "blue ribbon" campaign and millions of websites around the world joined in support of free speech online. Even today, you can find the blue ribbon throughout the Web. 

Since that time, both the Supreme Court and many other federal courts have correctly recognized that online identification mandates—no matter what method they use or form they take—more significantly burden First Amendment rights than restrictions on in-person access to adult materials. Because courts have consistently held that similar age verification laws are unconstitutional, the precedent is clear. 

5. There is No Safe, Privacy Protecting Age-Verification Technology. 

The same constitutional problems that the Supreme Court identified in Reno back in 1997 have only metastasized. Since then, courts have found that “[t]he risks of compelled digital verification are just as large, if not greater” than they were nearly 30 years ago. Think about it: no matter what method someone uses to verify your age, to do so accurately, they must know who you are, and they must retain that information in some way or verify it again and again. Different age verification methods don’t each fit somewhere on a spectrum of 'more safe' and 'less safe,' or 'more accurate' and 'less accurate.' Rather, they each fall on a spectrum of dangerous in one way to dangerous in a different way. For more information about the dangers of various methods, you can read our comments to the New York State Attorney General regarding the implementation of the SAFE for Kids Act. 

* * *

 

The Supreme Court Should Uphold Online First Amendment Rights and Strike Down This Unconstitutional Law 

Texas’ age verification law robs internet users of anonymity, exposes them to privacy and security risks, and blocks some adults entirely from accessing sexual content that’s protected under the First Amendment. Age-verification laws like this one reach into fully every U.S. adult household. We look forward to the court striking down this unconstitutional law and once again affirming these important online free speech rights. 

For more information on this case, view our amicus brief filed with the Supreme Court. For a one-pager on the problems with age verification, see here. For more information on recent state laws dealing with age verification, see Fighting Online ID Mandates: 2024 In Review. For more information on how age verification laws are playing out around the world, see Global Age Verification Measures: 2024 in Review. 

 

EFF in the Press: 2024 in Review

Par : Josh Richman
23 décembre 2024 à 11:08

EFF’s attorneys, activists, and technologists were media rockstars in 2024, informing the public about important issues that affect privacy, free speech, and innovation for people around the world. 

Perhaps the single most exciting media hit for EFF in 2024 was “Secrets in Your Data,” the NOVA PBS documentary episode exploring “what happens to all the data we’re shedding and explores the latest efforts to maximize benefits – without compromising personal privacy.” EFFers Hayley Tsukayama, Eva Galperin, and Cory Doctorow were among those interviewed.

One big-splash story in January demonstrated just how in-demand EFF can be when news breaks. Amazon’s Ring home doorbell unit announced that it would disable its Request For Assistance tool, the program that had let police seek footage from users on a voluntary basis – an issue on which EFF, and Matthew Guariglia in particular, have done extensive work. Matthew was quoted in Bloomberg, the Associated Press, CNN, The Washington Post, The Verge, The Guardian, TechCrunch, WIRED, Ars Technica, The Register, TechSpot, The Focus, American Wire News, and the Los Angeles Business Journal. The Bloomberg, AP, and CNN stories in turn were picked up by scores of media outlets across the country and around the world. Matthew also did interviews with local television stations in New York City, Oklahoma City, Allentown, PA, San Antonio, TX and Norfolk, VA. Matthew and Jason Kelley were quoted in Reason, and EFF was cited in reports by the New York Times, Engadget, The Messenger, the Washington Examiner, Silicon UK, Inc., the Daily Mail (UK), AfroTech, and KFSN ABC30 in Fresno, CA, as well as in an editorial in the Times Union of Albany, NY.

Other big stories for us this year – with similar numbers of EFF media mentions – included congressional debates over banning TikTok and censoring the internet in the name of protecting children, state age verification laws, Google’s backpedaling on its Privacy Sandbox promises, the Supreme Court’s Netchoice and Murthy rulings, the arrest of Telegram’s CEO, and X’s tangles with Australia and Brazil.

EFF is often cited in tech-oriented media, with 34 mentions this year in Ars Technica, 32 mentions in The Register, 23 mentions in WIRED, 23 mentions in The Verge, 20 mentions in TechCrunch, 10 mentions in The Record from Recorded Future, nine mentions in 404 Media, and six mentions in Gizmodo. We’re also all over the legal media, with 29 mentions in Law360 and 15 mentions in Bloomberg Law. 

But we’re also a big presence in major U.S. mainstream outlets, cited 38 times this year in the Washington Post, 11 times in the New York Times, 11 times in NBC News, 10 times in the Associated Press, 10 times in Reuters, 10 times in USA Today, and nine times in CNN. And we’re being heard by international audiences, with mentions in outlets including Germany’s Heise and Deutsche Welle, Canada’s Globe & Mail and Canadian Broadcasting Corp., Australia’s Sydney Morning Herald and Australian Broadcasting Corp., the United Kingdom’s Telegraph and Silicon UK, and many more. 

We’re being heard in local communities too. For example, we talked about the rapid encroachment of police surveillance with media outlets in Sarasota, FL; the San Francisco Bay Area; Baton Rouge, LA; Columbus, OH; Grand Rapids, MI; San Diego, CA; Wichita, KS; Buffalo, NY; Seattle, WA; Chicago, ILNashville, TN; and Sacramento, CA, among other localities. 

EFFers also spoke their minds directly in op-eds placed far and wide, including: 

And if you’re seeking some informative listening during the holidays, EFFers joined a slew of podcasts in 2024, including: 

This article is part of our Year in Review series. Read other articles about the fight for digital rights in 2024.

The Breachies 2024: The Worst, Weirdest, Most Impactful Data Breaches of the Year

Every year, countless emails hit our inboxes telling us that our personal information was accessed, shared, or stolen in a data breach. In many cases, there is little we can do. Most of us can assume that at least our phone numbers, emails, addresses, credit card numbers, and social security numbers are all available somewhere on the internet.

But some of these data breaches are more noteworthy than others, because they include novel information about us, are the result of particularly noteworthy security flaws, or are just so massive they’re impossible to ignore. For that reason, we are introducing the Breachies, a series of tongue-in-cheek “awards” for some of the most egregious data breaches of the year.

If these companies practiced a privacy first approach and focused on data minimization, only collecting and storing what they absolutely need to provide the services they promise, many data breaches would be far less harmful to the victims. But instead, companies gobble up as much as they can, store it for as long as possible, and inevitably at some point someone decides to poke in and steal that data.

Once all that personal data is stolen, it can be used against the breach victims for identity theft, ransomware attacks, and to send unwanted spam. The risk of these attacks isn’t just a minor annoyance: research shows it can cause psychological injury, including anxiety, depression, and PTSD. To avoid these attacks, breach victims must spend time and money to freeze and unfreeze their credit reports, to monitor their credit reports, and to obtain identity theft prevention services.

This year we’ve got some real stinkers, ranging from private health information to—you guessed it—credit cards and social security numbers.

The Winners

The Just Stop Using Tracking Tech Award: Kaiser Permanente

In one of the year's most preventable breaches, the healthcare company Kaiser Permanente exposed 13 million patients’ information via tracking code embedded in its website and app. This tracking code transmitted potentially sensitive medical information to Google, Microsoft, and X (formerly known as Twitter). The exposed information included patients’ names, terms they searched in Kaiser’s Health Encyclopedia, and how they navigated within and interacted with Kaiser’s website or app.

The most troubling aspect of this breach is that medical information was exposed not by a sophisticated hack, but through widely used tracking technologies that Kaiser voluntarily placed on its website. Kaiser has since removed the problematic code, but tracking technologies are rampant across the internet and on other healthcare websites. A 2024 study found tracking technologies sharing information with third parties on 96% of hospital websites. Websites usually use tracking technologies to serve targeted ads. But these same technologies give advertisers, data brokers, and law enforcement easy access to details about your online activity.

While individuals can protect themselves from online tracking by using tools like EFF’s Privacy Badger, we need legislative action to make online privacy the norm for everyone. EFF advocates for a ban on online behavioral advertising to address the primary incentive for companies to use invasive tracking technology. Otherwise, we’ll continue to see companies voluntarily sharing your personal data, then apologizing when thieves inevitably exploit a vulnerability in these tracking systems.

Head back to the table of contents.

The Most Impactful Data Breach for 90s Kids Award: Hot Topic

If you were in middle or high school any time in the 90s you probably have strong memories of Hot Topic. Baby goths and young punk rockers alike would go to the mall, get an Orange Julius and greasy slice of Sbarro pizza, then walk over to Hot Topic to pick up edgy t-shirts and overpriced bondage pants (all the while debating who was the biggest poser and which bands were sellouts, of course). Because of the fundamental position Hot Topic occupies in our generation’s personal mythology, this data breach hits extra hard.

In November 2024, Have I Been Pwned reported that Hot Topic and its subsidiary Box Lunch suffered a data breach of nearly 57 million data records. A hacker using the alias “Satanic” claimed responsibility and posted a 730 GB database on a hacker forum with a sale price of $20,000. The compromised data about approximately 54 million customers reportedly includes: names, email addresses, physical addresses, phone numbers, purchase history, birth dates, and partial credit card details. Research by Hudson Rock indicates that the data was compromised using info stealer malware installed on a Hot Topic employee’s work computer. “Satanic” claims that the original infection stems from the Snowflake data breach (another Breachie winner); though that hasn’t been confirmed because Hot Topic has still not notified customers, nor responded to our request for comment.

Though data breaches of this scale are common, it still breaks our little goth hearts, and we’d prefer stores did a better job of securing our data. Worse, Hot Topic still hasn’t publicly acknowledged this breach, despite numerous news reports. Perhaps Hot Topic was the real sellout all along. 

Head back to the table of contents.

The Only Stalkers Allowed Award: mSpy

mSpy, a commercially-available mobile stalkerware app owned by Ukrainian-based company Brainstack, was subject to a data breach earlier this year. More than a decade’s worth of information about the app’s customers was stolen, as well as the real names and email addresses of Brainstack employees.

The defining feature of stalkerware apps is their ability to operate covertly and trick users into believing that they are not being monitored. But in reality, applications like mSpy allow whoever planted the stalkerware to remotely view the contents of the victim’s device in real time. These tools are often used to intimidate, harass, and harm victims, including by stalkers and abusive (ex) partners. Given the highly sensitive data collected by companies like mSpy and the harm to targets when their data gets revealed, this data breach is another example of why stalkerware must be stopped

Head back to the table of contents.

The I Didn’t Even Know You Had My Information Award: Evolve Bank

Okay, are we the only ones  who hadn’t heard of Evolve Bank? It was reported in May that Evolve Bank experienced a data breach—though it actually happened all the way back in February. You may be thinking, “why does this breach matter if I’ve never heard of Evolve Bank before?” That’s what we thought too!

But here’s the thing: this attack affected a bunch of companies you have heard of, like Affirm (the buy now, pay later service), Wise (the international money transfer service), and Mercury Bank (a fintech company). So, a ton of services use the bank, and you may have used one of those services. It’s been reported that 7.6 million Americans were affected by the breach, with most of the data stolen being customer information, including social security numbers, account numbers, and date of birth.

The small bright side? No customer funds were accessed during the breach. Evolve states that after the breach they are doing some basic things like resetting user passwords and strengthening their security infrastructure

Head back to the table of contents.

The We Told You So Award: AU10TIX

AU10TIX is an “identity verification” company used by the likes of TikTok and X to confirm that users are who they claim to be. AU10TIX and companies like it collect and review sensitive private documents such as driver’s license information before users can register for a site or access some content.

Unfortunately, there is growing political interest in mandating identity or age verification before allowing people to access social media or adult material. EFF and others oppose these plans because they threaten both speech and privacy. As we said in 2023, verification mandates would inevitably lead to more data breaches, potentially exposing government IDs as well as information about the sites that a user visits.

Look no further than the AU10TIX breach to see what we mean. According to a report by 404 Media in May, AU10TIX left login credentials exposed online for more than a year, allowing access to very sensitive user data.

404 Media details how a researcher gained access to the company’s logging platform, “which in turn contained links to data related to specific people who had uploaded their identity documents.” This included “the person’s name, date of birth, nationality, identification number, and the type of document uploaded such as a drivers’ license,” as well as images of those identity documents.

The AU10TIX breach did not seem to lead to exposure beyond what the researcher showed was possible. But AU10TIX and other companies must do a better job at locking down user data. More importantly, politicians must not create new privacy dangers by requiring identity and age verification.

If age verification requirements become law, we’ll be handing a lot of our sensitive information over to companies like AU10TIX. This is the first We Told You So Breachie award, but it likely won’t be the last. 

Head back to the table of contents.

The Why We’re Still Stuck on Unique Passwords Award: Roku

In April, Roku announced not yet another new way to display more ads, but a data breach (its second of the year) where 576,000 accounts were compromised using a “credential stuffing attack.” This is a common, relatively easy sort of automated attack where thieves use previously leaked username and password combinations (from a past data breach of an unrelated company) to get into accounts on a different service. So, if say, your username and password was in the Comcast data breach in 2015, and you used the same username and password on Roku, the attacker might have been able to get into your account. Thankfully, less than 400 Roku accounts saw unauthorized purchases, and no payment information was accessed.

But the ease of this sort of data breach is why it’s important to use unique passwords everywhere. A password manager, including one that might be free on your phone or browser, makes this much easier to do. Likewise, credential stuffing illustrates why it’s important to use two-factor authentication. After the Roku breach, the company turned on two-factor authentication for all accounts. This way, even if someone did get access to your account password, they’d need that second code from another device; in Roku’s case, either your phone number or email address.

Head back to the table of contents.

The Listen, Security Researchers are Trying to Help Award: City of Columbus

In August, the security researcher David Ross Jr. (also known as Connor Goodwolf) discovered that a ransomware attack against the City of Columbus, Ohio, was much more serious than city officials initially revealed. After the researcher informed the press and provided proof, the city accused him of violating multiple laws and obtained a gag order against him.

Rather than silencing the researcher, city officials should have celebrated him for helping victims understand the true extent of the breach. EFF and security researchers know the value of this work. And EFF has a team of lawyers who help protect researchers and their work. 

Here is how not to deal with a security researcher: In July, Columbus learned it had suffered a ransomware attack. A group called Rhysida took responsibility. The city did not pay the ransom, and the group posted some of the stolen data online. The mayor announced the stolen data was “encrypted or corrupted,” so most of it was unusable. Later, the researcher, David Ross, helped inform local news outlets that in fact the breach did include usable personal information on residents. He also attempted to contact the city. Days later, the city offered free credit monitoring to all of its residents and confirmed that its original announcement was inaccurate.

Unfortunately, the city also filed a lawsuit, and a judge signed a temporary restraining order preventing the researcher from accessing, downloading, or disseminating the data. Later, the researcher agreed to a more limited injunction. The city eventually confirmed that the data of hundreds of thousands of people was stolen in the ransomware attack, including drivers licenses, social security numbers, employee information, and the identities of juvenile victims, undercover police officers, and confidential informants.

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The Have I Been Pwned? Award: Spoutible

The Spoutible breach has layers—layers of “no way!” that keep revealing more and more amazing little facts the deeper one digs.

It all started with a leaky API. On a per-user basis, it didn’t just return the sort of information you’d expect from a social media platform, but also the user’s email, IP address, and phone number. No way! Why would you do that?

But hold on, it also includes a bcrypt hash of their password. No way! Why would you do that?!

Ah well, at least they offer two-factor authentication (2FA) to protect against password leakages, except… the API was also returning the secret used to generate the 2FA OTP as well. No way! So, if someone had enabled 2FA it was immediately rendered useless by virtue of this field being visible to everyone.

However, the pièce de resistance comes with the next field in the API: the “em_code.” You know how when you do a password reset you get emailed a secret code that proves you control the address and can change the password? That was the code! No way!

-EFF thanks guest author Troy Hunt for this contribution to the Breachies.

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The Reporting’s All Over the Place Award: National Public Data

In January 2024, there was almost no chance you’d have heard of a company called National Public Data. But starting in April, then ramping up in June, stories revealed a breach affecting the background checking data broker that included names, phone numbers, addresses, and social security numbers of at least 300 million people. By August, the reported number ballooned to 2.9 billion people. In October, National Public Data filed for bankruptcy, leaving behind nothing but a breach notification on its website.

But what exactly was stolen? The evolving news coverage has raised more questions than it has answered. Too bad National Public Data has failed to tell the public more about the data that the company failed to secure.

One analysis found that some of the dataset was inaccurate, with a number of duplicates; also, while there were 137 million email addresses, they weren’t linked to social security numbers. Another analysis had similar results. As for social security numbers, there were likely somewhere around 272 million in the dataset. The data was so jumbled that it had names matched to the wrong email or address, and included a large chunk of people who were deceased. Oh, and that 2.9 billion number? That was the number of rows of data in the dataset, not the number of individuals. That 2.9 billion people number appeared to originate from a complaint filed in Florida.

Phew, time to check in with Count von Count on this one, then.

How many people were truly affected? It’s difficult to say for certain. The only thing we learned for sure is that starting a data broker company appears to be incredibly easy, as NPD was owned by a retired sheriff’s deputy and a small film studio and didn’t seem to be a large operation. While this data broker got caught with more leaks than the Titanic, hundreds of others are still out there collecting and hoarding information, and failing to watch out for the next iceberg.

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The Biggest Health Breach We’ve Ever Seen Award: Change Health

In February, a ransomware attack on Change Healthcare exposed the private health information of over 100 million people. The company, which processes 40% of all U.S. health insurance claims, was forced offline for nearly a month. As a result, healthcare practices nationwide struggled to stay operational and patients experienced limits on access to care. Meanwhile, the stolen data poses long-term risks for identity theft and insurance fraud for millions of Americans—it includes patients’ personal identifiers, health diagnoses, medications, insurance details, financial information, and government identity documents.

The misuse of medical records can be harder to detect and correct that regular financial fraud or identity theft. The FTC recommends that people at risk of medical identity theft watch out for suspicious medical bills or debt collection notices.

The hack highlights the need for stronger cybersecurity in the healthcare industry, which is increasingly targeted by cyberattacks. The Change Healthcare hackers were able to access a critical system because it lacked two-factor authentication, a basic form of security.

To make matters worse, Change Healthcare’s recent merger with Optum, which antitrust regulators tried and failed to block, even further centralized vast amounts of sensitive information. Many healthcare providers blamed corporate consolidation for the scale of disruption. As the former president of the American Medical Association put it, “When we have one option, then the hackers have one big target… if they bring that down, they can grind U.S. health care to a halt.” Privacy and competition are related values, and data breach and monopoly are connected problems.

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The There’s No Such Thing As Backdoors for Only “Good Guys” Award: Salt Typhoon

When companies build backdoors into their services to provide law enforcement access to user data, these backdoors can be exploited by thieves, foreign governments, and other adversaries. There are no methods of access that are magically only accessible to “good guys.” No security breach has demonstrated that more clearly than this year’s attack by Salt Typhoon, a Chinese government-backed hacking group.

Internet service providers generally have special systems to provide law enforcement and intelligence agencies access to user data. They do that to comply with laws like CALEA, which require telecom companies to provide a means for “lawful intercepts”—in other words, wiretaps.

The Salt Typhoon group was able to access the powerful tools that in theory have been reserved for U.S. government agencies. The hackers infiltrated the nation’s biggest telecom networks, including Verizon, AT&T, and others, and were able to target their surveillance based on U.S. law enforcement wiretap requests. Breaches elsewhere in the system let them listen in on calls in real time. People under U.S. surveillance were clearly some of the targets, but the hackers also targeted both 2024 presidential campaigns and officials in the State Department. 

While fewer than 150 people have been identified as targets so far, the number of people who were called or texted by those targets run into the “millions,” according to a Senator who has been briefed on the hack. What’s more, the Salt Typhoon hackers still have not been rooted out of the networks they infiltrated.

The idea that only authorized government agencies would use such backdoor access tools has always been flawed. With sophisticated state-sponsored hacking groups operating across the globe, a data breach like Salt Typhoon was only a matter of time. 

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The Snowballing Breach of the Year Award: Snowflake

Thieves compromised the corporate customer accounts for U.S. cloud analytics provider Snowflake. The corporate customers included AT&T, Ticketmaster, Santander, Neiman Marcus, and many others: 165 in total.

This led to a massive breach of billions of data records for individuals using these companies. A combination of infostealer malware infections on non-Snowflake machines as well as weak security used to protect the affected accounts allowed the hackers to gain access and extort the customers. At the time of the hack, April-July of this year, Snowflake was not requiring two-factor authentication, an account security measure which could have provided protection against the attacks. A number of arrests were made after security researchers uncovered the identities of several of the threat actors.

But what does Snowflake do? According to their website, Snowflake “is a cloud-based data platform that provides data storage, processing, and analytic solutions.” Essentially, they store and index troves of customer data for companies to look at. And the larger the amount of data stored, the bigger the target for malicious actors to use to put leverage on and extort those companies. The problem is the data is on all of us. In the case of Snowflake customer AT&T, this includes billions of call and text logs of its customers, putting individuals’ sensitive data at risk of exposure. A privacy-first approach would employ techniques such as data minimization and either not collect that data in the first place or shorten the retention period that the data is stored. Otherwise it just sits there waiting for the next breach.

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Tips to Protect Yourself

Data breaches are such a common occurrence that it’s easy to feel like there’s nothing you can do, nor any point in trying. But privacy isn’t dead. While some information about you is almost certainly out there, that’s no reason for despair. In fact, it’s a good reason to take action.

There are steps you can take right now with all your online accounts to best protect yourself from the the next data breach (and the next, and the next):

  • Use unique passwords on all your online accounts. This is made much easier by using a password manager, which can generate and store those passwords for you. When you have a unique password for every website, a data breach of one site won’t cascade to others.
  • Use two-factor authentication when a service offers it. Two-factor authentication makes your online accounts more secure by requiring additional proof (“factors”) alongside your password when you log in. While two-factor authentication adds another step to the login process, it’s a great way to help keep out anyone not authorized, even if your password is breached.
  • Freeze your credit. Many experts recommend freezing your credit with the major credit bureaus as a way to protect against the sort of identity theft that’s made possible by some data breaches. Freezing your credit prevents someone from opening up a new line of credit in your name without additional information, like a PIN or password, to “unfreeze” the account. This might sound absurd considering they can’t even open bank accounts, but if you have kids, you can freeze their credit too.
  • Keep a close eye out for strange medical bills. With the number of health companies breached this year, it’s also a good idea to watch for healthcare fraud. The Federal Trade Commission recommends watching for strange bills, letters from your health insurance company for services you didn’t receive, and letters from debt collectors claiming you owe money. 

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(Dis)Honorable Mentions

By one report, 2023 saw over 3,000 data breaches. The figure so far this year is looking slightly smaller, with around 2,200 reported through the end of the third quarter. But 2,200 and counting is little comfort.

We did not investigate every one of these 2,000-plus data breaches, but we looked at a lot of them, including the news coverage and the data breach notification letters that many state Attorney General offices host on their websites. We can’t award the coveted Breachie Award to every company that was breached this year. Still, here are some (dis)honorable mentions:

ADT, Advance Auto Parts, AT&T, AT&T (again), Avis, Casio, Cencora, Comcast, Dell, El Salvador, Fidelity, FilterBaby, Fortinet, Framework, Golden Corral, Greylock, Halliburton, HealthEquity, Heritage Foundation, HMG Healthcare, Internet Archive, LA County Department of Mental Health, MediSecure, Mobile Guardian, MoneyGram, muah.ai, Ohio Lottery, Omni Hotels, Oregon Zoo, Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe, Panda Restaurants, Panera, Patelco Credit Union, Patriot Mobile, pcTattletale, Perry Johnson & Associates, Roll20, Santander, Spytech, Synnovis, TEG, Ticketmaster, Twilio, USPS, Verizon, VF Corp, WebTPA.

What now? Companies need to do a better job of only collecting the information they need to operate, and properly securing what they store. Also, the U.S. needs to pass comprehensive privacy protections. At the very least, we need to be able to sue companies when these sorts of breaches happen (and while we’re at it, it’d be nice if we got more than $5.21 checks in the mail). EFF has long advocated for a strong federal privacy law that includes a private right of action.

The 2024 U.S. Election is Over. EFF is Ready for What's Next.

Par : Cindy Cohn
6 novembre 2024 à 11:56

The dust of the U.S. election is settling, and we want you to know that EFF is ready for whatever’s next. Our mission to ensure that technology serves you—rather than silencing, tracking, or oppressing you—does not change. Some of what’s to come will be in uncharted territory. But we have been preparing for whatever this future brings for a long time. EFF is at its best when the stakes are high. 

No matter what, EFF will take every opportunity to stand with users. We’ll continue to advance our mission of user privacy, free expression, and innovation, regardless of the obstacles. We will hit the ground running. 

During the previous Trump administration, EFF didn’t just hold the line. We pushed digital rights forward in significant ways, both nationally and locally.  We supported those protesting in the streets, with expanded Surveillance Self-Defense guides and our Security Education Companion. The first offers information for how to protect yourself while you exercise your First Amendment rights, and the second gives tips on how to help your friends and colleagues be more safe.

Along with our allies, we fought government use of face surveillance, passing municipal bans on the dangerous technology. We urged the Supreme Court to expand protections for your cell phone data, and in Carpenter v United States, they did so—recognizing that location information collected by cell providers creates a “detailed chronicle of a person’s physical presence compiled every day, every moment over years.” Now, police must get a warrant before obtaining a significant amount of this data. 

EFF is at its best when the stakes are high. 

But we also stood our ground when governments and companies tried to take away the hard-fought protections we’d won in previous years. We stopped government attempts to backdoor private messaging with “ghost” and “client-side scanning” measures that obscured their intentions to undermine end-to-end encryption. We defended Section 230, the common sense law that protects Americans’ freedom of expression online by protecting the intermediaries we all rely on. And when the COVID pandemic hit, we carefully analyzed and pushed back measures that would have gone beyond what was necessary to keep people safe and healthy by invading our privacy and inhibiting our free speech. 

Every time policymakers or private companies tried to undermine your rights online during the last Trump administration from 2016-2020, we were there—just as we continued to be under President Biden. In preparation for the next four years, here’s just some of the groundwork we’ve already laid: 

  • Border Surveillance: For a decade we’ve been revealing how the hundreds of millions of dollars pumped into surveillance technology along the border impacts the privacy of those who live, work, or seek refuge there, and thousands of others transiting through our border communities each day. We’ve defended the rights of people whose devices have been searched or seized upon entering the country. We’ve mapped out the network of automated license plate readers installed at checkpoints and land entry points, and the more than 465 surveillance towers along the U.S.-Mexico border. And we’ve advocated for sanctuary data policies restricting how ICE can access criminal justice and surveillance data.  
  • Surveillance Self-Defense: Protecting your private communications will only become more critical, so we’ve been expanding both the content and the translations of our Surveillance Self-Defense guides. We’ve written clear guidance for staying secure that applies to everyone, but is particularly important for journalists, protesters, activists, LGBTQ+ youths, and other vulnerable populations.
  • Reproductive Rights: Long before Roe v. Wade was overturned, EFF was working to minimize the ways that law enforcement can obtain data from tech companies and data brokers. After the Dobbs decision was handed down, we supported multiple laws in California that shield both reproductive and transgender health data privacy, even for people outside of California. But there’s more to do, and we’re working closely with those involved in the reproductive justice movement to make more progress. 
  • Transition Memo: When the next administration takes over, we’ll be sending a lengthy, detailed policy analysis to the incoming administration on everything from competition to AI to intellectual property to surveillance and privacy. We provided a similarly thoughtful set of recommendations on digital rights issues after the last presidential election, helping to guide critical policy discussions. 

We’ve prepared much more too. The road ahead will not be easy, and some of it is not yet mapped out, but one of the reasons EFF is so effective is that we play the long game. We’ll be here when this administration ends and the next one takes over, and we’ll continue to push. Our nonpartisan approach to tech policy works because we work for the user. 

We’re not merely fighting against individual companies or elected officials or even specific administrations.  We are fighting for you. That won’t stop no matter who’s in office. 

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Triumphs, Trials, and Tangles From California's 2024 Legislative Session

California’s 2024 legislative session has officially adjourned, and it’s time to reflect on the wins and losses that have shaped Californians’ digital rights landscape this year.

EFF monitored nearly 100 bills in the state this session alone, addressing a broad range of issues related to privacy, free speech, and innovation. These include proposed standards for Artificial Intelligence (AI) systems used by state agencies, the intersection of AI and copyright, police surveillance practices, and various privacy concerns. While we have seen some significant victories, there are also alarming developments that raise concerns about the future of privacy protection in the state.

Celebrating Our Victories

This legislative session brought some wins for privacy advocates—most notably the defeat of four dangerous bills: A.B. 3080, A.B. 1814, S.B. 1076, and S.B. 1047. These bills posed serious threats to consumer privacy and would have undermined the progress we’ve made in previous years.

First, we commend the California Legislature for not advancing A.B. 3080, “The Parent’s Accountability and Child Protection Act” authored by Assemblymember Juan Alanis (Modesto). The bill would have created powerful incentives for “pornographic internet websites” to use age-verification mechanisms. The bill was not clear on what counts as “sexually explicit content.” Without clear guidelines, this bill will further harm the ability of all youth—particularly LGBTQ+ youth—to access legitimate content online. Different versions of bills requiring age verification have appeared in more than a dozen states. We understand Asm. Alanis' concerns, but A.B. 3080 would have required broad, privacy-invasive data collection from internet users of all ages. We are grateful that it did not make it to the finish line.

Second, EFF worked with dozens of organizations to defeat A.B. 1814, a facial recognition bill authored by Assemblymember Phil Ting (San Francisco). The bill attempted to expand the use of facial recognition software by police to “match” images from surveillance databases to possible suspects. Those images could then be used to issue arrest warrants or search warrants. The bill merely said that these matches can't be the sole reason for a warrant to be issued—a standard that has already failed to stop false arrests in other states.  Police departments and facial recognition companies alike both currently maintain that police cannot justify an arrest using only algorithmic matches–so what would this bill really change? The bill only gave the appearance of doing something to address face recognition technology's harms, while allowing the practice to continue. California should not give law enforcement the green light to mine databases, particularly those where people contributed information without knowledge that it would be accessed by law enforcement. You can read more about this bill here, and we are glad to see the California legislature reject this dangerous bill.

EFF also worked to oppose and defeat S.B. 1076, by Senator Scott Wilk (Lancaster). This bill would have weakened the California Delete Act (S.B. 362). Enacted last year, the Delete Act provides consumers with an easy “one-click” button to request the removal of their personal information held by data brokers registered in California. By January 1, 2026. S.B. 1076 would have opened loopholes for data brokers to duck compliance. This would have hurt consumer rights and undone oversight on an opaque ecosystem of entities that collect then sell personal information they’ve amassed on individuals. S.B. 1076 would have likely created significant confusion with the development, implementation, and long-term usability of the delete mechanism established in the California Delete Act, particularly as the California Privacy Protection Agency works on regulations for it. 

Lastly, EFF opposed S.B. 1047, the “Safe and Secure Innovation for Frontier Artificial Intelligence Models Act authored by Senator Scott Wiener (San Francisco). This bill aimed to regulate AI models that might have "catastrophic" effects, such as attacks on critical infrastructure. Ultimately, we believe focusing on speculative, long-term, catastrophic outcomes from AI (like machines going rogue and taking over the world) pulls attention away from AI-enabled harms that are directly before us. EFF supported parts of the bill, like the creation of a public cloud-computing cluster (CalCompute). However, we also had concerns from the beginning that the bill set an abstract and confusing set of regulations for those developing AI systems and was built on a shaky self-certification mechanism. Those concerns remained about the final version of the bill, as it passed the legislature.

Governor Newsom vetoed S.B. 1047; we encourage lawmakers concerned about the threats unchecked AI may pose to instead consider regulation that focuses on real-world harms.  

Of course, this session wasn’t all sunshine and rainbows, and we had some big setbacks. Here are a few:

The Lost Promise of A.B. 3048

Throughout this session, EFF and our partners supported A.B. 3048, common-sense legislation that would have required browsers to let consumers exercise their protections under the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA). California is currently one of approximately a dozen states requiring businesses to honor consumer privacy requests made through opt–out preference signals in their browsers and devices. Yet large companies have often made it difficult for consumers to exercise those rights on their own. The bill would have properly balanced providing consumers with ways to exercise their privacy rights without creating burdensome requirements for developers or hindering innovation.

Unfortunately, Governor Newsom chose to veto A.B. 3048. His veto letter cited the lack of support from mobile operators, arguing that because “No major mobile OS incorporates an option for an opt-out signal,” it is “best if design questions are first addressed by developers, rather than by regulators.” EFF believes technologists should be involved in the regulatory process and hopes to assist in that process. But Governor Newsom is wrong: we cannot wait for industry players to voluntarily support regulations that protect consumers. Proactive measures are essential to safeguard privacy rights.

This bill would have moved California in the right direction, making California the first state to require browsers to offer consumers the ability to exercise their rights. 

Wrong Solutions to Real Problems

A big theme we saw this legislative session were proposals that claimed to address real problems but would have been ineffective or failed to respect privacy. These included bills intended to address young people’s safety online and deepfakes in elections.

While we defeated many misguided bills that were introduced to address young people’s access to the internet, S.B. 976, authored by Senator Nancy Skinner (Oakland), received Governor Newsom’s signature and takes effect on January 1, 2027. This proposal aims to regulate the "addictive" features of social media companies, but instead compromises the privacy of consumers in the state. The bill is also likely preempted by federal law and raises considerable First Amendment and privacy concerns. S.B. 976 is unlikely to protect children online, and will instead harm all online speakers by burdening free speech and diminishing online privacy by incentivizing companies to collect more personal information.

It is no secret that deepfakes can be incredibly convincing, and that can have scary consequences, especially during an election year. Two bills that attempted to address this issue are A.B. 2655 and A.B. 2839. Authored by Assemblymember Marc Berman (Palo Alto), A.B. 2655 requires online platforms to develop and implement procedures to block and take down, as well as separately label, digitally manipulated content about candidates and other elections-related subjects that creates a false portrayal about those subjects. We believe A.B. 2655 likely violates the First Amendment and will lead to over-censorship of online speech. The bill is also preempted by Section 230, a federal law that provides partial immunity to online intermediaries for causes of action based on the user-generated content published on their platforms. 

Similarly, A.B. 2839, authored by Assemblymember Gail Pellerin (Santa Cruz), not only bans the distribution of materially deceptive or altered election-related content, but also burdens mere distributors (internet websites, newspapers, etc.) who are unconnected to the creation of the content—regardless of whether they know of the prohibited manipulation. By extending beyond the direct publishers and toward republishers, A.B. 2839 burdens and holds liable republishers of content in a manner that has been found unconstitutional.

There are ways to address the harms of deepfakes without stifling innovation and free speech. We recognize the complex issues raised by potentially harmful, artificially generated election content. But A.B. 2655 and A.B. 2839, as written and passed, likely violate the First Amendment and run afoul of federal law. In fact, less than a month after they were signed, a federal judge put A.B. 2839’s enforcement on pause (via a preliminary injunction) on First Amendment grounds.

Privacy Risks in State Databases

We also saw a troubling trend in the legislature this year that we will be making a priority as we look to 2025. Several bills emerged this session that, in different ways, threatened to weaken privacy protections within state databases. Specifically,  A.B. 518 and A.B. 2723, which received Governor Newsom’s signature, are a step backward for data privacy.

A.B. 518 authorizes numerous agencies in California to share, without restriction or consent, personal information with the state Department of Social Services (DSS), exempting this sharing from all state privacy laws. This includes county-level agencies, and people whose information is shared would have no way of knowing or opting out. A. B. 518 is incredibly broad, allowing the sharing of health information, immigration status, education records, employment records, tax records, utility information, children’s information, and even sealed juvenile records—with no requirement that DSS keep this personal information confidential, and no restrictions on what DSS can do with the information.

On the other hand, A.B. 2723 assigns a governing board to the new “Cradle to Career (CTC)” longitudinal education database intended to synthesize student information collected from across the state to enable comprehensive research and analysis. Parents and children provide this information to their schools, but this project means that their information will be used in ways they never expected or consented to. Even worse, as written, this project would be exempt from the following privacy safeguards of the Information Practices Act of 1977 (IPA), which, with respect to state agencies, would otherwise guarantee California parents and students:

  1.     the right for subjects whose information is kept in the data system to receive notice their data is in the system;
  2.     the right to consent or, more meaningfully, to withhold consent;
  3.     and the right to request correction of erroneous information.

By signing A.B. 2723, Gov. Newsom stripped California parents and students of the rights to even know that this is happening, or agree to this data processing in the first place. 

Moreover, while both of these bills allowed state agencies to trample on Californians’ IPA rights, those IPA rights do not even apply to the county-level agencies affected by A.B. 518 or the local public schools and school districts affected by A.B. 2723—pointing to the need for more guardrails around unfettered data sharing on the local level.

A Call for Comprehensive Local Protections

A.B. 2723 and A.B. 518 reveal a crucial missing piece in Californians' privacy rights: that the privacy rights guaranteed to individuals through California's IPA do not protect them from the ways local agencies collect, share, and process data. The absence of robust privacy protections at the local government level is an ongoing issue that must be addressed.

Now is the time to push for stronger privacy protections, hold our lawmakers accountable, and ensure that California remains a leader in the fight for digital privacy. As always, we want to acknowledge how much your support has helped our advocacy in California this year. Your voices are invaluable, and they truly make a difference.

Let’s not settle for half-measures or weak solutions. Our privacy is worth the fight.

New IPANDETEC Report Shows Panama’s ISPs Still Lag in Protecting User Data

Par : Karen Gullo
10 octobre 2024 à 14:20

Telecom and internet service providers in Panama are entrusted with the personal data of millions of users, bearing a responsibility to not only protect users’ privacy but also be transparent about their data handling policies. Digital rights organization IPANDETEC has evaluated how well companies have lived up to their responsibilities in ¿Quien Defiende Tus Datos? (“Who Defends Your Data?”) reports released in 2019, 2020, and 2022, which showed persistent deficiencies.

IPANDETEC’s new Panama report, released today, reveals that, with a few notable exceptions, providers in Panama continue to struggle to meet important best practice standards like publishing transparency reports, notifying users about government requests for their data, and requiring authorities to obtain judicial authorization for data requests, among other criteria.

As in its prior reports, IPANDETEC assessed mobile phone operators Más Móvil, Digicel, and Tigo. Claro, assessed in earlier reports, was acquired by Más Móvil in 2021 and as such was dropped. This year’s report also ranked fixed internet service providers InterFast Panama, Celero Fiber, and DBS Networks.

Companies were evaluated in nine categories, including disclosure of data protection policies and transparency reports, data security practices, public promotion of human rights, procedures for authorities seeking user data, publication of services and policies in native languages, and making policies and customer service available to people with disabilities. IPANDETEC also assessed whether mobile operators have opposed mandatory facial recognition for users' activation of their services.

Progress Made

Companies are awarded stars and partial stars for meeting parameters set for each category. Más Móvil scored highest with four stars, while Tigo received two and one-half stars and Digicel one and a half. Celero scored highest among fixed internet providers with one and three-quarters stars. Interfast and DBS received three-fourths of a star and one-half star, respectively.

The report showed progress on a few fronts: Más Móvil and Digicel publish privacy policy for their services, while Más Móvil has committed to follow relevant legal procedures before providing authorities with the content of its users’ communications, a significant improvement compared to 2021.

Tigo maintains its commitment to require judicial authorization or follow established procedures before providing data and to reject requests that don’t comply with legal requirements.

Más Móvil and Tigo also stand out for joining human rights-related initiatives. Más Móvil is a signatory of the United Nations Global Compact and belongs to SUMARSE, an organization that promotes Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in Panama.

Tigo, meanwhile, has projects aimed at digital and social transformation, including Conectadas: Empowering Women in the Digital World, Entrepreneurs in Action: Promoting the Success of Micro and Medium-sized Enterprises, and Connected Teachers: The Digital Age for teachers.

All three fixed internet service providers received partial credit for meeting some parameters for digital security.

Companies Lag in Key Areas

Still, the report showed that internet providers in Panama have a long way to go to incorporate best practices in most categories. For instance, no company published transparency reports with detailed quantitative data for Panama.

Both mobile and fixed internet telecommunications companies are not committed to informing users about requests or orders from authorities to access their personal data, according to the report. As for digital security, companies have chosen to maintain a passive position regarding the promotion of digital security.

None of the mobile providers have opposed requiring users to undergo facial recognition to register or access their mobile phone services. As the report underlines, companies' resignation "marks a significant step backwards and affects human rights, such as the right to privacy, intimacy and the protection of personal data." Mandating face recognition as a condition to use mobile services is "an abusive intrusion into the privacy of users, setting a worrying precedent with the supposed objective of fighting crime," the report says.

No company has a website or relevant documents available in native languages. Likewise, no company has a declaration and/or accessibility policy for people with disabilities (in physical and digital environments) or important documents in an accessible format.

But it's worth noting that Más Móvil has alternative channels for people with sensory disabilities and Contact Center services for blind users, as well as remote control with built-in voice commands to improve accessibility.  Tigo, too, stands out for being the only company to have a section on its website about discounts for retired and disabled people.

IPANDETEC’s Quien Defiende Tus Datos series of reports is part of a region-wide initiative, akin to EFF’s Who Has Your Back project, which tracks and rates ISPs’ privacy policies and commitments in Latin America and Spain. 

Election Security: When to Worry, When to Not

This post was written by EFF intern Nazli Ungan as an update to a 2020 Deeplinks post by Cindy Cohn.

Everyone wants an election that is secure and reliable and that will ensure that the voters’ actual choices are reflected in the results. That’s as true as we head into the 2024 U.S. general elections as it always has been.

At the same time, not every problem in voting technology or systems is worth pulling the fire alarm—we have to look at the bigger story and context. And we have to stand down when our worst fears turn out to be unfounded.

Resilience is the key word when it comes to the security and the integrity of our elections. We need our election systems to be technically and procedurally resilient against potential attacks or errors. But equally important, we need the voting public to be resilient against false or unfounded claims of attack or error. Luckily, our past experiences and the work of election security experts have taught us a few lessons on when to worry and when to not.

See EFF's handout on Election Security here: https://www.eff.org/document/election-security-recommendations

We Need Risk-Limiting Audits

First, and most importantly, it is critical to have systems in place to support election technology and the election officials who run it. Machines may fail, humans may make errors. We cannot simply assume that there will not be any issues in voting and tabulation. Instead, there must be built-in safety measures that would catch any issues that may affect the official election results.  

It is critical to have systems in place to support election technology and the election officials who run it.

The most important of these is performing routine, post-election Risk-Limiting Audits after every election. RLAs should occur even if there is no apparent reason to suspect the accuracy of the results. Risk-limiting audits are considered the gold standard of post-election audits and they give the public justified confidence in the results. This type of audit entails manually checking randomly selected ballots until there is convincing evidence that the election outcome is correct. In many cases, it can be performed by counting only a small fraction of ballots cast making it cheap enough to be performed in every election. When the margins are tighter, a greater fraction of the votes are required to be hand counted, but this is a good thing because we want to scrutinize close contests more strictly to make sure the right person won the race. Some states have started requiring risk-limiting audits and the rest should catch up!

 We (and many others in the election integrity community) also continue to push for more transparency in election systems, more independent testing and red-team style attacks, including end-to-end pre-election testing.

And We Need A Paper Trail

Second, voting on paper ballots continues to be extremely important and the most secure strategy. Ideally, all voters should use paper ballots marked by hand, or with an assistive device, and verify their votes before casting. If there is no paper record, there is no way to perform a post-election audit, or recount votes in the event of an error or a security incident. On the other hand, if voters vote on paper, they can verify their choices are recorded accurately. More importantly, election officials can hand count a portion of the paper ballots to make sure they match with the electronic vote totals and confirm the accuracy of the election results. 

What happened in Antrim County, Michigan in the 2020 general elections illustrates the importance of paper ballots. Immediately after the 2020 elections, Antrim County published inaccurate unofficial results, and then restated these results three times to correct the errors, which led to conspiracy theories about the voting systems used there. Fortunately, Antrim County voters had voted on paper ballots, so Michigan was able to confirm the final presidential results by conducting a county-wide hand count and affirm them by a state-wide risk-limiting audit pilot. This would not have been possible without paper ballots.  

And we can’t stop there, because not every paper record is created equal. Some direct recording electronic systems are equipped with a type of Voter-Verified Paper Audit Trail that make it difficult for voters to verify their selections and for election officials to use in audits and recounts. The best practice is to have all votes cast on pre-printed paper ballots, marked by hand or an assistive ballot marking device.  

Third, it is important to have the entire voting technical system under the control of election officials so that they can investigate any potential problems, which is one of the reasons why internet voting remains a bad, bad idea. There are “significant security, privacy, and ballot secrecy challenges” associated with electronic ballot return systems and they make it possible for a single attacker to alter thousands or even millions of votes.” Maybe in the future we will have tools to limit the risks of internet voting. But until then, we should reject any proposal that includes electronic ballot return over the internet. Speaking about the internet, voting machines should never connect to the internet, dial a modem, or communicate wirelessly. 

Internet voting remains a bad, bad idea

Fourth, every part of the voting process that relies on technology must have paper backups so that voting can continue even when the machines fail. This includes paper backups for electronic pollbooks, emergency paper ballots in case voting machines fail, and provisional ballots in case there voter eligibility cannot be confirmed. 

Stay Vigilant and Informed

Fifth, we should continue to be vigilant. Election officials have come a long way from when we started raising concerns about electronic voting machines and systems. But the public should keep watching and, when warranted, not be afraid to raise or flag things that seem strange. For example, if you see something like voting machines “flipping” the votes, you should tell the poll workers. This doesn’t necessarily mean there has been a security breach; it can be as simple as a calibration error, but it can mean lost votes. Poll workers can and should address the issue immediately by providing voters with emergency paper ballots. 

Sixth, not everything that seems out of the ordinary may be reason to worry. We should build societal resistance to disinformation. CISA's Election Security Rumor vs. Reality website is a good resource that addresses election security rumors and educates us on when we need to be or don’t need to be alarmed. State-specific information is also available online. If we see or hear anything odd about what is happening at a particular locality, we should first hear what the election officials on the ground have to say about it. After all, they were there! We should also pay attention to what non-partisan election protection organizations, such as Verified Voting, say about the incident.  

The 2024 presidential election is fast approaching and there may be many claims of computer glitches and other forms of manipulation concerning our voting systems in November. Knowing when to worry and when NOT to worry will continue to be extremely important.  

In the meantime, the work of securing our elections and building resilience must continue. While not every glitch is worrisome, we should not dismiss legitimate security concerns. As often said: election security is a race without a finish line!

Salt Typhoon Hack Shows There's No Security Backdoor That's Only For The "Good Guys"

At EFF we’ve long noted that you cannot build a backdoor that only lets in good guys and not bad guys. Over the weekend, we saw another example of this: The Wall Street Journal reported on a major breach of U.S. telecom systems attributed to a sophisticated Chinese-government backed hacking group dubbed Salt Typhoon.

According to reports, the hack took advantage of systems built by ISPs like Verizon, AT&T, and Lumen Technologies (formerly CenturyLink) to give law enforcement and intelligence agencies access to the ISPs’ user data. This gave China unprecedented access to data related to U.S. government requests to these major telecommunications companies. It’s still unclear how much communication and internet traffic, and related to whom, Salt Typhoon accessed.

That’s right: the path for law enforcement access set up by these companies was apparently compromised and used by China-backed hackers. That path was likely created to facilitate smooth compliance with wrong-headed laws like CALEA, which require telecommunications companies to facilitate “lawful intercepts”—in other words, wiretaps and other orders by law enforcement and national security agencies. While this is a terrible outcome for user privacy, and for U.S. government intelligence and law enforcement, it is not surprising. 

The idea that only authorized government agencies would ever use these channels for acquiring user data was always risky and flawed. We’ve seen this before: in a notorious case in 2004 and 2005, more than 100 top officials in the Greek government were illegally surveilled for a period of ten months when unknown parties broke into Greece’s “lawful access” program. In 2024, with growing numbers of sophisticated state-sponsored hacking groups operating, it’s almost inevitable that these types of damaging breaches occur. The system of special law enforcement access that was set up for the “good guys” isn’t making us safer; it’s a dangerous security flaw. 

Internet Wiretaps Have Always Been A Bad Idea

Passed in 1994, CALEA requires that makers of telecommunications equipment provide the ability for government eavesdropping. In 2004, the government dramatically expanded this wiretap mandate to include internet access providers. EFF opposed this expansion and explained the perils of wiretapping the internet.  

The internet is different from the phone system in critical ways, making it more vulnerable. The internet is open and ever-changing.  “Many of the technologies currently used to create wiretap-friendly computer networks make the people on those networks more pregnable to attackers who want to steal their data or personal information,” EFF wrote, nearly 20 years ago.

Towards Transparency And Security

The irony should be lost on no one that now the Chinese government may be in possession of more knowledge about who the U.S. government spies on, including people living in the U.S., than Americans. The intelligence and law enforcement agencies that use these backdoor legal authorities are notoriously secretive, making oversight difficult. 

Companies and people who are building communication tools should be aware of these flaws and implement, where possible, privacy by default. As bad as this hack was, it could have been much worse if it wasn’t for the hard work of EFF and other privacy advocates making sure that more than 90% of web traffic is encrypted via HTTPS. For those hosting the 10% (or so) of the web that has yet to encrypt its traffic, now is a great time to consider turning on encryption, either using Certbot or switching to a hosting provider that offers HTTPS by default.

What can we do next? We must demand real privacy and security.  

That means we must reject the loud law enforcement and other voices that continue to pretend that there are “good guy only” ways to ensure access. We can point to this example, among many others, to push back on the idea that the default in the digital world is that governments (and malicious hackers) should be able to access all of our messages and files. We’ll continue to fight against US bills like EARN IT, the EU “Chat Control” file-scanning proposal, and the UK’s Online Safety Act, all of which are based on this flawed premise. 

It’s time for U.S. policymakers to step up too. If they care about China and other foreign countries engaging in espionage on U.S. citizens, it’s time to speak up in favor of encryption by default. If they don’t want to see bad actors take advantage of their constituents, domestic companies, or security agencies, again—speak up for encryption by default. Elected officials can and have done so in the past. Instead of holding hearings that give the FBI a platform to make digital wiretaps easier, demand accountability for the digital lock-breaking they’re already doing

The lesson will be repeated until it is learned: there is no backdoor that only lets in good guys and keeps out bad guys. It’s time for all of us to recognize this, and take steps to ensure real security and privacy for all of us.

Germany Rushes to Expand Biometric Surveillance

7 octobre 2024 à 16:07

Germany is a leader in privacy and data protection, with many Germans being particularly sensitive to the processing of their personal data – owing to the country’s totalitarian history and the role of surveillance in both Nazi Germany and East Germany.

So, it is disappointing that the German government is trying to push through Parliament, at record speed, a “security package” that would increase biometric surveillance at an unprecedented scale. The proposed measures contravene the government’s own coalition agreement, and undermine European law and the German constitution.

In response to a knife-stabbing in the West-German town of Solingen in late-August, the government has introduced a so-called “security package” consisting of a bouquet of measures to tighten asylum rules and introduce new powers for law enforcement authorities.

Among them, three stand out due to their possibly disastrous effect on fundamental rights online. 

Biometric Surveillance  

The German government wants to allow law enforcement authorities to identify suspects by comparing their biometric data (audio, video, and image data) to all data publicly available on the internet. Beyond the host of harms related to facial recognition software, this would mean that any photos or videos uploaded to the internet would become part of the government’s surveillance infrastructure.

This would include especially sensitive material, such as pictures taken at political protests or other contexts directly connected to the exercise of fundamental rights. This could be abused to track individuals and create nuanced profiles of their everyday activities. Experts have highlighted the many unanswered technical questions in the government’s draft bill. The proposal contradicts the government’s own coalition agreement, which commits to preventing biometric surveillance in Germany.

The proposal also contravenes the recently adopted European AI Act, which bans the use of AI systems that create or expand facial recognition databases. While the AI Act includes exceptions for national security, Member States may ban biometric remote identification systems at the national level. Given the coalition agreement, German civil society groups have been hoping for such a prohibition, rather than the introduction of new powers.

These sweeping new powers would be granted not just to law enforcement authorities--the Federal Office for Migration and Asylum would be allowed to identify asylum seekers that do not carry IDs by comparing their biometric data to “internet data.” Beyond the obvious disproportionality of such powers, it is well documented that facial recognition software is rife with racial biases, performing significantly worse on images of people of color. The draft law does not include any meaningful measures to protect against discriminatory outcomes, nor does it acknowledge the limitations of facial recognition.  

Predictive Policing 

Germany also wants to introduce AI-enabled mining of any data held by law enforcement authorities, which is often used for predictive policing. This would include data from anyone who ever filed a complaint, served as a witness, or ended up in a police database for being a victim of a crime. Beyond this obvious overreach, data mining for predictive policing threatens fundamental rights like the right to privacy and has been shown to exacerbate racial discrimination.

The severe negative impacts of data mining by law enforcement authorities have been confirmed by Germany’s highest court, which ruled that the Palantir-enabled practices by two German states are unconstitutional.  Regardless, the draft bill seeks to introduce similar powers across the country.  

Police Access to More User Data 

The government wants to exploit an already-controversial provision of the recently adopted Digital Services Act (DSA). The law, which regulates online platforms in the European Union, has been criticized for requiring providers to proactively share user data with law enforcement authorities in potential cases of violent crime. Due to its unclear definition, the provision risks undermining the freedom of expression online as providers might be pressured to share rather more than less data to avoid DSA fines.

Frustrated by the low volume of cases forwarded by providers, the German government now suggests expanding the DSA to include specific criminal offences for which companies must share user data. While it is unrealistic to update European regulations as complex as the DSA so shortly after its adoption, this proposal shows that protecting fundamental rights online is not a priority for this government. 

Next Steps

Meanwhile, thousands have protested the security package in Berlin. Moreover, experts at the parliament’s hearing and German civil society groups are sending a clear signal: the government’s plans undermine fundamental rights, violate European law, and walk back the coalition parties’ own promises. EFF stands with the opponents of these proposals. We must defend fundamental rights more decidedly than ever.  

 

New Email Scam Includes Pictures of Your House. Don’t Fall For It.

27 septembre 2024 à 15:36

You may have arrived at this post because you received an email with an attached PDF from a purported hacker who is demanding payment or else they will send compromising information—such as pictures sexual in nature—to all your friends and family. You’re searching for what to do in this frightening situation, and how to respond to an apparently personalized threat that even includes your actual “LastNameFirstName.pdf” and a picture of your house.

Don’t panic. Contrary to the claims in your email, you probably haven't been hacked (or at least, that's not what prompted that email). This is merely a new variation on an old scam —actually, a whole category of scams called "sextortion." This is a type of online phishing that is targeting people around the world and preying on digital-age fears. It generally uses publicly available information or information from data breaches, not information obtained from hacking the recipients of the emails specifically, and therefore it is very unlikely the sender has any "incriminating" photos or has actually hacked your accounts or devices.

They begin the emails showing you your address, full name, and possibly a picture of your house. 

We’ll talk about a few steps to take to protect yourself, but the first and foremost piece of advice we have: do not pay the ransom.

We have pasted an example of this email scam at the bottom of this post. The general gist is that a hacker claims to have compromised your computer and says they will release embarrassing information—such as images of you captured through your web camera or your pornographic browsing history—to your friends, family, and co-workers.  The hacker promises to go away if you send them thousands of dollars, usually with bitcoin. This is different from a separate sextortion scam in which a stranger befriends and convinces a user to exchange sexual content then demands payment for secrecy; a much more perilous situation which requires a more careful response.

What makes the email especially alarming is that, to prove their authenticity, they begin the emails showing you your address, full name, and possibly a picture of your house. 

Again, this still doesn't mean you've been hacked. The scammers in this case likely found a data breach which contained a list of names, emails, and home addresses and are sending this email out to potentially millions of people, hoping that some of them would be worried enough and pay out that the scam would become profitable.

Here are some quick answers to the questions many people ask after receiving these emails.

They Have My Address and Phone Number! How Did They Get a Picture of My House?

Rest assured that the scammers were not in fact outside your house taking pictures. For better or worse, pictures of our houses are all over the internet. From Google Street View to real estate websites, finding a picture of someone’s house is trivial if you have their address. While public data on your home may be nerve-wracking, similar data about government property can have transparency benefits.

Unfortunately, in the modern age, data breaches are common, and massive sets of peoples’ personal information often make their way to the criminal corners of the Internet. Scammers likely obtained such a list or multiple lists including email addresses, names, phone numbers, and addresses for the express purpose of including a kernel of truth in an otherwise boilerplate mass email.

It’s harder to change your address and phone number than it is to change your password. The best thing you can do here is be aware that your information is out there and be careful of future scams using this information. Since this information (along with other leaked info such as your social security number) can be used for identity theft, it's a good idea to freeze your credit.

And of course, you should always change your password when you’re alerted that your information has been leaked in a breach. You can also use a service like Have I Been Pwned to check whether you have been part of one of the more well-known password dumps.

Should I Respond to the Email?

Absolutely not. With this type of scam, the perpetrator relies on the likelihood that a small number of people will respond out of a batch of potentially millions. Fundamentally this isn't that much different from the old Nigerian prince scam, just with a different hook. By default they expect most people will not even open the email, let alone read it. But once they get a response—and a conversation is initiated—they will likely move into a more advanced stage of the scam. It’s better to not respond at all.

So,  I Shouldn’t Pay the Ransom?

You should not pay the ransom. If you pay the ransom, you’re not only losing money, but you’re encouraging the scammers to continue phishing other people. If you do pay, then the scammers may also use that as a pressure point to continue to blackmail you, knowing that you’re susceptible.

What Should I Do Instead?

Unfortunately there isn’t much you can do. But there are a few basic security hygiene steps you can take that are always a good idea. Use a password manager to keep your passwords strong and unique. Moving forward, you should make sure to enable two-factor authentication whenever that is an option on your online accounts. You can also check out our Surveillance Self-Defense guide for more tips on how to protect your security and privacy online.

One other thing to do to protect yourself is apply a cover over your computer’s camera. We offer some through our store, but a small strip of electrical tape will do. This can help ease your mind if you're worried that a rogue app may be turning your camera on, or that you left it on yourself—unlikely, but possible scenarios. 

We know this experience isn't fun, but it's also not the end of the world. Just ignore the scammers' empty threats and practice good security hygiene going forward!

Overall this isn’t an issue that is up to consumers to fix. The root of the problem is that data brokers and nearly every other company have been allowed to store too much information about us for too long. Inevitably this data gets breached and makes its way into criminal markets where it is sold and traded and used for scams like this one. The most effective way to combat this would be with comprehensive federal privacy laws. Because, if the data doesn’t exist, it can’t be leaked. The best thing for you to do is advocate for such a law in Congress, or at the state level. 

Below are real examples of the scam that were sent to EFF employees. The scam text is similar across many different victims..

Example 1

[Name],

I know that calling [Phone Number] or visiting [your address] would be a convenient way to contact you in case you don't act. Don't even try to escape from this. You've no idea what I'm capable of in [Your City].

I suggest you read this message carefully. Take a moment to chill, breathe, and analyze it thoroughly. 'Cause we're about to discuss a deal between you and me, and I don't play games. You do not know me but I know you very well and right now, you are wondering how, right? Well, you've been treading on thin ice with your browsing habits, scrolling through those videos and clicking on links, stumbling upon some not-so-safe sites. I placed a Malware on a porn website & you visited it to watch(you get my drift). While you were watching those videos, your smartphone began working as a RDP (Remote Control) which provided me complete control over your device. I can peep at everything on your display, flick on your camera and mic, and you wouldn't even suspect a thing. Oh, and I have got access to all your emails, contacts, and social media accounts too.

Been keeping tabs on your pathetic life for a while now. It's simply your bad luck that I accessed your misdemeanor. I gave in more time than I should have looking into your personal life. Extracted quite a bit of juicy info from your system. and I've seen it all. Yeah, Yeah, I've got footage of you doing filthy things in your room (nice setup, by the way). I then developed videos and screenshots where on one side of the screen, there's whatever garbage you were enjoying, and on the other half, its your vacant face. With simply a single click, I can send this video to every single of your contacts.

I see you are getting anxious, but let's get real. Actually, I want to wipe the slate clean, and allow you to get on with your daily life and wipe your slate clean. I will present you two alternatives. First Alternative is to disregard this email. Let us see what is going to happen if you take this path. Your video will get sent to all your contacts. The video was lit, and I can't even fathom the humiliation you'll endure when your colleagues, friends, and fam check it out. But hey, that's life, ain't it? Don't be playing the victim here.

Option 2 is to pay me, and be confidential about it. We will name it my “privacy charges”. let me tell you what will happen if you opt this option. Your secret remains private. I will destroy all the data and evidence once you come through with the payment. You'll transfer the payment via Bitcoin only.

Pay attention, I'm telling you straight: 'We gotta make a deal'. I want you to know I'm coming at you with good intentions. My word is my bond.

Required Amount: $1950

BITCOIN ADDRESS: [REDACTED]

Let me tell ya, it's peanuts for your tranquility.

Notice: You now have one day in order to make the payment and I will only accept Bitcoins (I have a special pixel within this message, and now I know that you have read through this message). My system will catch that Bitcoin payment and wipe out all the dirt I got on you. Don't even think about replying to this or negotiating, it's pointless. The email and wallet are custom-made for you, untraceable. If I suspect that you've shared or discussed this email with anyone else, the garbage will instantly start getting sent to your contacts. And don't even think about turning off your phone or resetting it to factory settings. It's pointless. I don't make mistakes, [Name].

A picture of the EFF offices, in the style often used in this scam.

Can you notice something here?

Honestly, those online tips about covering your camera aren't as useless as they seem. I am waiting for my payment…

Example 2

[NAME],
Is visiting [ADDRESS] a better way to contact in case you don't act
Beautiful neighborhood btw
It's important you pay attention to this message right now. Take a moment to chill, breathe, and analyze it thoroughly. We're talking about something serious here, and I ain't playing games. You do not know anything about me but I know you very well and right now, you are thinking how, correct?
Well, You've been treading on thin ice with your browsing habits, scrolling through those filthy videos and clicking on links, stumbling upon some not-so-safe sites. I installed a Spyware called "Pegasus" on a app you frequently use. Pegasus is a spyware that is designed to be covertly and remotely installed on mobile phones running iOS and Android. While you were busy watching videos, your device started out working as a RDP (Remote Protocol) which gave me total control over your device. I can peep at everything on your display, flick on your cam and mic, and you wouldn't even notice. Oh, and I've got access to all your emails, contacts, and social media accounts too.
What I want?
Been keeping tabs on your pathetic existence for a while now. It's just your hard luck that I accessed your misdemeanor. I invested in more time than I probably should've looking into your personal life. Extracted quite a bit of juicy info from your system. and I've seen it all. Yeah, Yeah, I've got footage of you doing embarrassing things in your room (nice setup, by the way). I then developed videos and screenshots where on one side of the screen, there's whatever garbage you were enjoying, and on the other part, it is your vacant face. With just a click, I can send this filth to all of your contacts.
What can you do?
I see you are getting anxious, but let's get real. Wholeheartedly, I am willing to wipe the slate clean, and let you move on with your regular life and wipe your slate clean. I am about to present you two alternatives. Either turn a blind eye to this warning (bad for you and your family) or pay me a small amount to finish this mattter forever. Let us understand those 2 options in details.
First Option is to ignore this email. Let us see what will happen if you select this path. I will send your video to your contacts. The video was straight fire, and I can't even fathom the embarrasement you'll endure when your colleagues, friends, and fam check it out. But hey, that's life, ain't it? Don't be playing the victim here.
Other Option is to pay me, and be confidential about it. We will name it my “privacy fee”. let me tell you what happens when you go with this choice. Your filthy secret will remain private. I will wipe everything clean once you send payment. You'll transfer the payment through Bitcoin only. I want you to know I'm aiming for a win-win here. I'm a person of integrity.
Transfer Amount: USD 2000
My Bitcoin Address: [BITCOIN ADDRESS]
Or, (Here is your Bitcoin QR code, you can scan it):
[IMAGE OF A QR CODE]
Once you pay up, you'll sleep like a baby. I keep my word.
Important: You now have one day to sort this out. (I've a special pixel in this message, and now I know that you've read through this mail). My system will catch that Bitcoin payment and wipe out all the dirt I got on you. Don't even think about replying to this, it's pointless. The email and wallet are custom-made for you, untraceable. I don't make mistakes, [NAME]. If I notice that you've shared or discussed this mail with anyone else, your garbage will instantly start getting sent to your contacts. And don't even think about turning off your phone or resetting it to factory settings. It's pointless.
Honestly, those online tips about covering your camera aren't as useless as they seem.
Don't dwell on it. Take it as a little lesson and keep your guard up in the future.

 

The French Detention: Why We're Watching the Telegram Situation Closely

EFF is closely monitoring the situation in France in which Telegram’s CEO Pavel Durov was charged with having committed criminal offenses, most of them seemingly related to the operation of Telegram. This situation has the potential to pose a serious danger to security, privacy, and freedom of expression for Telegram’s 950 million users.  

On August 24th, French authorities detained Durov when his private plane landed in France. Since then, the French prosecutor has revealed that Durov’s detention was related to an ongoing investigation, begun in July, of an “unnamed person.” The investigation involves complicity in crimes presumably taking place on the Telegram platform, failure to cooperate with law enforcement requests for the interception of communications on the platform, and a variety of charges having to do with failure to comply with  French cryptography import regulations. On August 28, Durov was charged with each of those offenses, among others not related to Telegram, and then released on the condition that he check in regularly with French authorities and not leave France.  

We know very little about the Telegram-related charges, making it difficult to draw conclusions about how serious a threat this investigation poses to privacy, security, or freedom of expression on Telegram, or on online services more broadly. But it has the potential to be quite serious. EFF is monitoring the situation closely.  

There appear to be three categories of Telegram-related charges:  

  • First is the charge based on “the refusal to communicate upon request from authorized authorities, the information or documents necessary for the implementation and operation of legally authorized interceptions.” This seems to indicate that the French authorities sought Telegram’s assistance to intercept communications on Telegram.  
  • The second set of charges relate to “complicité” with crimes that were committed in some respect on or through Telegram. These charges specify “organized distribution of images of minors with a pedopornographic nature, drug trafficking, organized fraud, and conspiracy to commit crimes or offenses,” and “money laundering of crimes or offenses in an organized group.”  
  • The third set of charges all relate to Telegram’s failure to file a declaration required of those who import a cryptographic system into France.  

Now we are left to speculate. 

It is possible that all of the charges derive from “the failure to communicate.” French authorities may be claiming that Durov is complicit with criminals because Telegram refused to facilitate the “legally authorized interceptions.” Similarly, the charges connected to the failure to file the encryption declaration likely also derive from the “legally authorized interceptions” being encrypted. France very likely knew for many years that Telegram had not filed the required declarations regarding their encryption, yet they were not previously charged for that omission. 

Refusal to cooperate with a valid legal order for assistance with an interception could be similarly prosecuted in most international legal systems, including the United States. EFF has frequently contested the validity of such orders and gag orders associated with them, and have urged services to contest them in courts and pursue all appeals. But once such orders have been finally validated by courts, they must be complied with. It is a more difficult situation in other situations such as where the nation lacks a properly functioning judiciary or there is an absence of due process, such as China or Saudi Arabia. 

In addition to the refusal to cooperate with the interception, it seems likely that the complicité charges also, or instead, relate to Telegram’s failure to remove posts advancing crimes upon request or knowledge. Specifically, the charges of complicity in “the administration of an online platform to facilitate an illegal transaction” and “organized distribution of images of minors with a pedopornographic nature, drug trafficking,[and] organized fraud,” could likely be based on not depublishing posts. An initial statement by Ofmin, the French agency established to investigate threats to child safety online, referred to “lack of moderation” as being at the heart of their investigation. Under French law, Article 323-3-2, it is a crime to knowingly allow the distribution of illegal content or provision of illegal services, or to facilitate payments for either. 

It is not yet clear whether Telegram users themselves, or those offering similar services to Telegram, should be concerned.

In particular, this potential “lack of moderation” liability bears watching. If Durov is prosecuted because Telegram simply inadequately removed offending content from the site that it is generally aware of, that could expose most every other online platform to similar liability. It would also be concerning, though more in line with existing law, if the charges relate to an affirmative refusal to address specific posts or accounts, rather than a generalized awareness. And both of these situations are much different from one in which France has evidence that Durov was more directly involved with those using Telegram for criminal purposes. Moreover, France will likely have to prove that Durov himself committed each of these offenses, and not Telegram itself or others at the company. 

EFF has raised serious concerns about Telegram’s behavior both as a social media platform and as a messaging app. In spite of its reputation as a “secure messenger,” only a very small subset of messages  on Telegram are encrypted in such a way that prevents the company from reading the contents of communications—end-to-end encryption. (Only one-to-one messages with the “secret messages” option enabled are end-to-end encrypted) And even so, cryptographers have questioned the effectiveness of Telegram’s homebrewed cryptography. If the French government’s charges have to do with Telegram’s refusal to moderate or intercept these messages, EFF will oppose this case in the strongest terms possible, just as we have opposed all government threats to end-to-end encryption all over the world. 

This arrest marks an alarming escalation by a state’s authorities. 

It is not yet clear whether Telegram users themselves, or those offering similar services to Telegram, should be concerned. French authorities may ask for technical measures that endanger the security and privacy of those users. Durov and Telegram may or may not comply. Those running similar services may not have anything to fear, or these charges may be the canary in the coalmine warning us all that French authorities intend to expand their inspection of messaging and social media platforms. It is simply too soon, and there is too little information for us to know for sure.  

It is not the first time Telegram’s laissez faire attitude towards content moderation has led to government reprisals. In 2022, the company was forced to pay a fine in Germany for not establishing a lawful way for reporting illegal content or naming an entity in Germany to receive official communication. Brazil fined the company in 2023 for failing to suspend accounts of supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro. Nevertheless this arrest marks an alarming escalation by a state’s authorities.  We are monitoring the situation closely and will continue to do so.  

Digital Apartheid in Gaza: Big Tech Must Reveal Their Roles in Tech Used in Human Rights Abuses

This is part two of an ongoing series. Part one on unjust content moderation is here

Since the start of the Israeli military response to Hamas’ deadly October 7 attack, U.S.-based companies like Google and Amazon have been under pressure to reveal more about the services they provide and the nature of their relationships with the Israeli forces engaging in the military response. 

We agree. Without greater transparency, the public cannot tell whether these companies are complying with human rights standards—both those set by the United Nations and those they have publicly set for themselves. We know that this conflict has resulted in alleged war crimes and has involved massive, ongoing surveillance of civilians and refugees living under what international law recognizes as an illegal occupation. That kind of surveillance requires significant technical support and it seems unlikely that it could occur without any ongoing involvement by the companies providing the platforms.  

Google's Human Rights statement claims that “In everything we do, including launching new products and expanding our operations around the globe, we are guided by internationally recognized human rights standards. We are committed to respecting the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its implementing treaties, as well as upholding the standards established in the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) and in the Global Network Initiative Principles (GNI Principles). Google goes further in the case of AI technologies, promising not to design or deploy AI in technologies that are likely to facilitate injuries to people, gather or use information for surveillance or be used in violation of human rights, or even where the use is likely to cause overall harm.” 

Amazon states that it is "Guided by the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights," and that their “approach on human rights is informed by international standards; we respect and support the Core Conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO), the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” 

It is time for Google and Amazon to tell the truth about use of their technologies in Gaza so that everyone can see whether their human rights commitments were real or simply empty promises.

Concerns about Google and Amazon Facilitating Human Rights Abuses  

The Israeli government has long procured surveillance technologies from corporations based in the United States. Most recently, an investigation in August by +972 and Local Call revealed that the Israeli military has been storing intelligence information on Amazon’s Web Services (AWS) cloud after the scale of data collected through mass surveillance on Palestinians in Gaza was too large for military servers alone. The same article reported that the commander of Israel’s Center of Computing and Information Systems unit—responsible for providing data processing for the military—confirmed in an address to military and industry personnel that the Israeli army had been using cloud storage and AI services provided by civilian tech companies, with the logos of AWS, Google Cloud, and Microsoft Azure appearing in the presentation. 

This is not the first time Google and Amazon have been involved in providing civilian tech services to the Israeli military, nor is it the first time that questions have been raised about whether that technology is being used to facilitate human rights abuses. In 2021, Google and Amazon Web Services signed a $1.2 billion joint contract with the Israeli military called Project Nimbus to provide cloud services and machine learning tools located within Israel. In an official announcement for the partnership, the Israeli Finance Ministry said that the project sought to “provide the government, the defense establishment and others with an all-encompassing cloud solution.” Under the contract, Google and Amazon reportedly cannot prevent particular agencies of the Israeli government, including the military, from using its services. 

Not much is known about the specifics of Nimbus. Google has publicly stated that the project is not aimed at military uses; the Israeli military publicly credits Nimbus with assisting the military in conducting the war. Reports note that the project involves Google establishing a secure instance of the Google Cloud in Israel. According to Google documents from 2022, Google’s Cloud services include object tracking, AI-enabled face recognition and detection, and automated image categorization. Google signed a new consulting deal with the Israeli Ministry of Defense based around the Nimbus platform in March 2024, so Google can’t claim it’s simply caught up in the changed circumstances since 2021. 

Alongside Project Nimbus, an anonymous Israeli official reported that the Israeli military deploys face recognition dragnets across the Gaza Strip using two tools that have facial recognition/clustering capabilities: one from Corsight, which is a "facial intelligence company," and the other built into the platform offered through Google Photos. 

Clarity Needed 

Based on the sketchy information available, there is clearly cause for concern and a need for the companies to clarify their roles.  

For instance, Google Photos is a general-purpose service and some of the pieces of Project Nimbus are non-specific cloud computing platforms. EFF has long maintained that the misuse of general-purpose technologies alone should not be a basis for liability. But, as with Cisco’s development of a specific module of China’s Golden Shield aimed at identifying the Falun Gong (currently pending in litigation in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit), companies should not intentionally provide specific services that facilitate human rights abuses. They must also not willfully blind themselves to how their technologies are being used. 

In short, if their technologies are being used to facilitate human rights abuses, whether in Gaza or elsewhere, these tech companies need to publicly demonstrate how they are adhering to their own Human Rights and AI Principles, which are based in international standards. 

We (and the whole world) are waiting, Google and Amazon. 

EFF to Ninth Circuit: Don’t Shield Foreign Spyware Company from Human Rights Accountability in U.S. Court

Legal intern Danya Hajjaji was the lead author of this post.

EFF filed an amicus brief in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit supporting a group of journalists in their lawsuit against Israeli spyware company NSO Group. In our amicus brief backing the plaintiffs’ appeal, we argued that victims of human rights abuses enabled by powerful surveillance technologies must be able to seek redress through U.S. courts against both foreign and domestic corporations. 

NSO Group notoriously manufactures “Pegasus” spyware, which enables full remote control of a target’s smartphone. Pegasus attacks are stealthy and sophisticated: the spyware embeds itself into phones without an owner having to click anything (such as an email or text message). A Pegasus-infected phone allows government operatives to intercept personal data on a device as well as cloud-based data connected to the device.

Our brief highlights multiple examples of Pegasus spyware having been used by governmental bodies around the world to spy on targets such as journalists, human rights defenders, dissidents, and their families. For example, the Saudi Arabian government was found to have deployed Pegasus against Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey.

In the present case, Dada v. NSO Group, the plaintiffs are affiliated with El Faro, a prominent independent news outlet based in El Salvador, and were targeted with Pegasus through their iPhones. The attacks on El Faro journalists coincided with their investigative reporting into the Salvadorian government.

The plaintiffs sued NSO Group in California because NSO Group, in deploying Pegasus against iPhones, abused the services of Apple, a California-based company. However, the district court dismissed the case on a forum non conveniens theory, holding that California is an inconvenient forum for NSO Group. The court thus concluded that exercising jurisdiction over the foreign corporation was inappropriate and that the case would be better considered by a court in Israel or elsewhere.

However, as we argued in our brief, NSO Group is already defending two other lawsuits in California brought by both Apple and WhatsApp. And the company is unlikely to face legal accountability in its home country—the Israeli Ministry of Defense provides an export license to NSO Group, and its technology has been used against citizens within Israel.

That's why this case is critical—victims of powerful, increasingly-common surveillance technologies like Pegasus spyware must not be barred from U.S. courts.

As we explained in our brief, the private spyware industry is a lucrative industry worth an estimated $12 billion, largely bankrolled by repressive governments. These parties widely fail to comport with the United Nations’ Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which caution against creating a situation where victims of human rights abuses “face a denial of justice in a host State and cannot access home State courts regardless of the merits of the claim.”

The U.S. government has endorsed the Guiding Principles as applied to U.S. companies selling surveillance technologies to foreign governments, but also sought to address the issue of spyware facilitating state-sponsored human rights violations. In 2021, for example, the Biden Administration recognized NSO Group as engaging in such practices by placing it on a list of entities prohibited from receiving U.S. exports of hardware or software.

Unfortunately, the Guiding Principles expressly avoid creating any “new international law obligations,” thus leaving accountability to either domestic law or voluntary mechanisms.

Yet voluntary enforcement mechanisms are wholly inadequate for human rights accountability. The weakness of voluntary enforcement is best illustrated by NSO Group supposedly implementing its own human rights policies, all the while acting as a facilitator of human rights abuses.

Restraining the use of the forum non conveniens doctrine and opening courthouse doors to victims of human rights violations wrought by surveillance technologies would bind companies like NSO Group through judicial liability.

But this would not mean that U.S. courts have unfettered discretion over foreign corporations. The reach of courts is limited by rules of personal jurisdiction and plaintiffs must still prove the specific required elements of their legal claims.

The Ninth Circuit must give the El Faro plaintiffs the chance to vindicate their rights in federal court. Shielding spyware companies like NSO Group from legal accountability does not only diminish digital civil liberties like privacy and freedom of speech—it paves the way for the worst of the worst human rights abuses, including physical apprehensions, unlawful detentions, torture, and even summary executions by the governments that use the spyware.

CrowdStrike, Antitrust, and the Digital Monoculture

Par : Rory Mir
1 août 2024 à 12:58

Last month’s unprecedented global IT failure should be a wakeup call. Decades of antitrust inaction have made many industries dangerously reliant on the same tools, making such crises inevitable. We must demand regulators break up the digital monocultures that are creating a less competitive, less safe, and less free digital world.

The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) solicited public comments last year on the state of the cloud computing market. EFF made it clear that the consolidation of service providers has created new dangers for everyone and urged the commission to encourage interoperability so customers could more easily switch and mix cloud services. Microsoft cautioned against intervention, touting the benefits of centralized cloud services for IT security.

A year later, a key cloud-based cybersecurity firm released a bug unique to Microsoft systems. Vital IT systems were disrupted for millions worldwide. 

This fragility goes beyond issues at a specific firm, it results from power being overly concentrated around a few major companies.

What Happened

The widespread and disruptive tech outage last month happened thanks to an overreliance on one particular tool, CrowdStrike's Falcon sensor software. While not a monopoly, this tool is the most popular in end-point protection platforms.

This niche service often used by companies is best understood as an antivirus tool for devices, controlled by a cloud platform. “End-point” computers run the agent with very deep system permissions to scan for security issues, and the company CrowdStrike regularly pushes remote software updates to this tool. This setup means many devices rely on a single source for their security, leveraging shared insights learned across devices. It also means that many devices share a single point of failure.

Instead of an inconvenience for a few companies, it more closely resembled a government shutdown or a natural disaster.

An early sign of this problem came last April, when a CrowdStrike update disrupted devices running Debian and Rocky Linux operating systems. Linux “end-point” devices are uncommon, let alone those running these specific distributions with CrowdStrike software. What should have been a red flag in April was instead barely a blip.

Last month CrowdStike disrupted two other operating systems with a bad update: Windows 10 and 11. This time it spurred a Y2K-like collapse of crucial computer systems around the globe. Airlines, hospitals, financial institutions, schools, broadcasters, and more were brought to a standstill as an erroneous update on CrowdStrike’s platform caused system crashes. Instead of an inconvenience for a few companies, it more closely resembled a government shutdown or a natural disaster.

Both cases had similar impacts to devices, but the later case was an absolute disaster for infrastructure because of a digital landscape dominated by a few key players. Having so many sectors rely on a handful of services for the same operating systems makes them all susceptible to the same bugs, with even systems running absurdly old versions of Windows gaining an advantage for providing some diversity.

Whatever went wrong at CrowdStrike was just a spark. Last month it ignited the powder keg of digital monocultures.

Digital Monoculture

All computers are broken. Every piece of software and hardware is just waiting to fail in unexpected ways, and while your friendly neighborhood hackers and researchers can often hold off some of the worst problems by finding and reporting them, we need to mitigate inevitable failures. A resilient and secure digital future can’t be built on hope alone.

Yet, that’s exactly what we’re doing. The US has not just tolerated but encouraged a monopolistic tech industry with too little competition in key markets. Decades of antitrust policy have been based on the wrongheaded idea that sheer size will make tech companies efficient and better able to serve customers. Instead, we have airports, hospitals, schools, financial systems, and more all reliant on the same software, vulnerable to the same bugs and hacks. We created a tech industry that is too big to fail.

The lack of diversity makes the whole ecosystem more fragile

We live in the age of the digital monoculture, where single vulnerabilities can tear through systems globally; sabotaging hospitals and city governments with ransomware; electrical systems with state-sponsored attacks; and breaching staggering amounts of private data. Name a class of device or software, and more often than not the majority of the market is controlled by a few companies—often the same ones: Android and iPhone; Windows and Mac; Gmail and Outlook; Chrome and Safari.  When it comes to endpoint security products three companies control half of the market, the largest being Microsoft and CrowdStrike.

Much like monocultures in agriculture, the lack of diversity makes the whole ecosystem more fragile. A new pest or disease can cause a widespread collapse without a backup plan. The solution, conversely, is to increase diversity in the tech market through tougher antitrust enforcement, and for organizations to make IT system diversity a priority.

Allowing an over-reliance on a shrinking number of companies like Microsoft will only ensure more frequent and more devastating harms in the future.

How we got here

Broken Antitrust

As EFF has pointed out, and argued to the FTC, antitrust has failed to address the realities of a 21st-century internet.

Viewing consumers as more than walking wallets, but as individuals who deserve to live unburdened by monopoly interests.

Since the 1980s, US antitrust has been dominated by “consumer welfare” theory, which suggests corporate monopolies are fine, and maybe even preferable, so long as they are not raising prices. Subtler economic harms of monopoly, along with harms to democracy, labor rights, and the environment are largely ignored.

 For the past several years, the FTC has pressed for a return to the original intent of antitrust law: viewing consumers as more than walking wallets, but as individuals who deserve to live unburdened by monopoly interests.

But we have a long way to go. We are still saddled with fewer and less adequate choices built on a tech industry which subsidizes consumer prices by compromising privacy and diminishing ownership through subscriptions and restrictive DRM. Today’s empires of industry exert more and more influence on our day to day life, building a greater lock-in to their monoculture. When they fail, the scale and impact rival those of a government shutdown.

We deserve a more stable and secure digital future, where an error code puts lives at risk. Vital infrastructure cannot be built on a digital monoculture.

To do this, antitrust enforcers, including the FTC, the Department of Justice (DOJ), and state attorneys general must increase scrutiny in every corner of the tech industry to prevent dangerous levels of centralization. An important first step would be to go after lock-in practices by IT vendors.

Procurement and Vendor Lock-In

Most organizations depend on their IT teams, even if that team is just the one friend who is “good with computers”. It’s quite common for these teams to be significantly under-resourced, forced to meet increasingly complex needs from the organization with a stagnant or shrinking budget.

Lock-in doubles down on a monopoly’s power and entrenches it across different markets.

This squeeze creates a need for off-the-shelf solutions that centralize that expertise among vendors and consultants. Renting these IT solutions from major companies like Microsoft or Google may be cost-effective, but it entrusts a good deal of control to those companies.

All too often however, software vendors take advantage of this dynamic. They will bundle many services for a low initial price, making an organization wholly reliant on them, and then hinder the ability of the organization to adopt alternative tools while later raising prices. This is a longstanding manipulative playbook of vendor lock-in.

Once locked in, a company will discover switching to alternatives is costly both in terms of money and effort. Say you want to switch email providers. Rather than an easy way to port over data and settings, your company will need to resort to manual efforts or expensive consultant groups. This is also often paired with selective interoperability, like having an email client work smoothly with a bundled calendar system, while a competitor’s service faces unstable or deliberately broken support.

Lock-in doubles down on a monopoly’s power and entrenches it across different markets. That is why EFF calls for interoperability to end vendor lock-in, and let IT teams choose the tools that reflect the values and priorities of their organization.

Buying or building more highly-tailored systems makes sense in a competitive market. It’s unlikely a single cloud provider will be the best at every service, and with interoperability, in-house alternatives become more viable to develop and host. Fostering more of that internal expertise can only bolster the resilience of bigger institutions.

Fallout from The Cloud

Allowing the economy and the well-being of countless people to rely on a few cloud services is reprehensible. The CrowdStrike Falcon incident is just the latest and largest in a growing list of hacks, breaches, and collapses coming to define the era. But each time everyday people endure real harms.

Each time, we see the poorest and most marginalized people face costly or even deadly consequences. A grounded flight might mean having to spend money on a hotel, and it might mean losing a job. Strained hospital capacity means fewer people receive lifesaving care. Each time these impacts further exacerbate existing inequalities, and they are happening with increasing frequency.

We must reject this as the status quo. CrowdStrike’s outage is a billion-dollar wake-up call to make antitrust an immediate priority. It's not just about preventing the next crash—it's about building a future where our digital world is as diverse and resilient as the people who depend on it.

Calls Mount—from Principal UN Human Rights Official, Business, and Tech Groups—To Address Dangerous Flaws in Draft UN Surveillance Treaty

Par : Karen Gullo
30 juillet 2024 à 18:44

As UN delegates sat down in New York this week to restart negotiations, calls are mounting from all corners—from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to Big Tech—to add critical human rights protections to, and fix other major flaws in, the proposed UN surveillance treaty, which as written will jeopardize fundamental rights for people across the globe.

Six influential organizations representing the UN itself, cybersecurity companies, civil society, and internet service providers have in recent days weighed in on the flawed treaty ahead of the two-week negotiating session that began today.

The message is clear and unambiguous: the proposed UN treaty is highly flawed and dangerous and must be fixed.

The groups have raised many points EFF raised over the last two and half years, including whether the treaty is necessary at all, the risks it poses to journalists and security researchers, and an overbroad scope that criminalizes offenses beyond core cybercrimes—crimes against computer systems, data, and networks. We have summarized
our concerns here.

Some delegates meeting in New York are showing enthusiasm to approve the draft treaty, despite its numerous flaws. We question whether UN Member States, including the U.S., will take the lead over the next two weeks to push for significant changes in the text. So, we applaud the six organizations cited here for speaking out at this crucial time.

“The concluding session is a pivotal moment for human rights in the digital age,” the OHCHR said in
comments on the new draft. Many of its provisions fail to meet international human rights standards, the commissioner said.

“These shortcomings are particularly problematic against the backdrop of an already expansive use of existing cybercrime laws in some jurisdictions to unduly restrict freedom of expression, target dissenting voices and arbitrarily interfere with the privacy and anonymity of communications.”

The OHCHR recommends including in the draft an explicit reference to specific human rights instruments, in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Right, narrowing the treaty’s scope, explicitly including language that crimes covered by the treaty must be committed with “criminal intent,” and several other changes.

The proposed treaty should comprehensively integrate human rights throughout the text, OHCHR said. Without that, the convention “could jeopardize the protection of human rights of people world-wide, undermine the functionality of the internet infrastructure, create new security risks and undercut business opportunities and economic well-being.”

EFF has called on delegates to oppose the treaty if it’s not significantly improved, and we are not alone in this stance.

The Global Network Initiative (GNI), a multistakeholder organization that sets standards for responsible business conduct based on human rights, in the liability of online platforms for offenses committed by their users, raising the risk that online intermediaries could be liable when they don’t know or are unaware of such user-generated content.

“This could lead to excessively broad content moderation and removal of legitimate, protected speech by platforms, thereby negatively impacting freedom of expression,” GNI said.

“Countries committed to human rights and the rule of law must unite to demand stronger data protection and human rights safeguards. Without these they should refuse to agree to the draft Convention.”

Human Rights Watch (HRW), a close EFF ally on the convention, called out the draft’s article on offenses related to online child sexual abuse or child sexual exploitation material (CSAM), which could lead to criminal liability for service providers acting as mere conduits. Moreover, it could criminalize or risk criminalizing content and conduct that has evidentiary, scientific, or artistic value, and doesn’t sufficiently decriminalize the consensual conduct of older children in consensual relationships.

This is particularly dangerous for rights organizations that investigate child abuse and collect material depicting children subjected to torture or other abuses, including material that is sexual in nature. The draft text isn’t clear on whether legitimate use of this material is excluded from criminalization, thereby jeopardizing the safety of survivors to report CSAM activity to law enforcement or platforms.

HRW recommends adding language that excludes material manifestly artistic, among other uses, and conduct that is carried out for legitimate purposes related to documentation of human rights abuses or the administration of justice.

The Cybersecurity Tech Accord, which represents over 150 companies, raised concerns in a statement today that aspects of the draft treaty allow cooperation between states to be kept confidential or secret, without mandating any procedural legal protections.

The convention will result in more private user information being shared with more governments around the world, with no transparency or accountability. The
statement provides specific examples of national security risks that could result from abuse of the convention’s powers.

The International Chamber of Commerce, a proponent of international trade for businesses in 170 countries,
said the current draft would make it difficult for service providers to challenge overbroad data requests or extraterrestrial requests for data from law enforcement, potentially jeopardizing the safety and freedom of tech company employees in places where they could face arrest “as accessories to the crime for which that data is being sought.”

Further, unchecked data collection, especially from traveling employees, government officials, or government contractors, could lead to sensitive information being exposed or misused, increasing risks of security breaches or unauthorized access to critical data, the group said.

The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, a network of law enforcement, governance, and development officials, raised concerns in a recent analysis about the draft treaty’s new title, which says the convention is against both cybercrime and, more broadly, crimes committed through the use of an information or communications technology (ICT) system.

“Through this formulation, it not only privileges Russia’s preferred terminology but also effectively redefines cybercrime,” the analysis said. With this title, the UN effectively “redefines computer systems (and the crimes committed using them)­ as ICT—a broader term with a wider remit.”

 

Ola Bini Faces Ecuadorian Prosecutors Seeking to Overturn Acquittal of Cybercrime Charge

Par : Karen Gullo
1 avril 2024 à 12:21

Ola Bini, the software developer acquitted last year of cybercrime charges in a unanimous verdict in Ecuador, was back in court last week in Quito as prosecutors, using the same evidence that helped clear him, asked an appeals court to overturn the decision with bogus allegations of unauthorized access of a telecommunications system.

Armed with a grainy image of a telnet session—which the lower court already ruled was not proof of criminal activity—and testimony of an expert witness to the lower court—who never had access to the devices and systems involved in the alleged intrusion—prosecutors presented the theory that, by connecting to a router, Bini made partial unauthorized access in an attempt to break into a  system  provided by Ecuador’s national telecommunications company (CNT) to a presidency's
contingency center.

If this all sounds familiar, that’s because it is. In an unfounded criminal case plagued by irregularities, delays, and due process violations, Ecuadorian prosecutors have for the last five years sought to prove Bini violated the law by allegedly accessing an information system without authorization.

Bini, who resides in Ecuador, was arrested at the Quito airport in 2019 without being told why. He first learned about the charges from a TV news report depicting him as a criminal trying to destabilize the country. He spent 70 days in jail and cannot leave Ecuador or use his bank accounts.

Bini prevailed in a trial last year before a three-judge panel. The core evidence the Prosecutor’s Office and CNT’s lawyer presented to support the accusation of unauthorized access to a computer, telematic, or telecommunications system was a printed image of a telnet session allegedly taken from Bini’s mobile phone.

The image shows the user requesting a telnet connection to an open server using their computer’s command line. The open server warns that unauthorized access is prohibited and asks for a username. No username is entered. The connection then times out and closes. Rather than demonstrating that Bini intruded into the Ecuadorean telephone network system, it shows the trail of someone who paid a visit to a publicly accessible server—and then politely obeyed the server's warnings about usage and access.

Bini’s acquittal was a major victory for him and the work of security researchers. By assessing the evidence presented, the court concluded that both the Prosecutor’s Office and CNT failed to demonstrate a crime had occurred. There was no evidence that unauthorized access had ever happened, nor anything to sustain the malicious intent that article 234 of Ecuador’s Penal Code requires to characterize the offense of unauthorized access.

The court emphasized the necessity of proper evidence to prove that an alleged computer crime occurred and found that the image of a telnet session presented in Bini’s case is not fit for this purpose. The court explained that graphical representations, which can be altered, do not constitute evidence of cybercrime since an image cannot verify whether the commands illustrated in it were actually executed. Building on technical experts' testimonies, the court said that what does not emerge, or what can't be verified from digital forensics, is not proper digital evidence.

Prosecutors appealed the verdict and are back in court using the same image that didn’t prove any crime was committed. At the March 26 hearing, prosecutors said their expert witness’s analysis of the telnet image shows there was connectivity to the router. The witness compared it to entering the yard of someone’s property to see if the gate to the property is open or closed. Entering the yard is analogous to connecting to the router, the witness said.

Actually, no.
Our interpretation of the image, which was leaked to the media before Bini’s trial, is that it’s the internet equivalent of seeing an open gate, walking up to it, seeing a “NO TRESPASSING” sign, and walking away. If this image could prove anything it is that no unauthorized access happened.

Yet, no expert analysis was conducted in the systems allegedly affected. The  expert witness’s testimony was based on his analysis of a CNT report—he didn’t have access to the CNT router to verify its configuration. He didn’t digitally validate whether what was shown in the report actually happened and he was never asked to verify the existence of an IP address owned or managed by CNT.

That’s not the only problem with the appeal proceedings. Deciding the appeal is a panel of three judges, two of whom ruled to keep Bini in detention after his arrest in 2019 because there were allegedly sufficient elements to establish a suspicion against him. The detention was later considered illegal and arbitrary because of a lack of such elements. Bini filed a lawsuit against the Ecuadorian state, including the two judges, for violating his rights. Bini’s defense team has sought to remove these two judges from the appeals case, but his requests were denied.

The appeals court panel is expected to issue a final ruling in the coming days.  

Four Voices You Should Hear this International Women’s Day

Around the globe, freedom of expression varies wildly in definition, scope, and level of access. The impact of the digital age on perceptions and censorship of speech has been felt across the political spectrum on a worldwide scale. In the debate over what counts as free expression and how it should work in practice, we often lose sight of how different forms of censorship can have a negative impact on different communities, and especially marginalized or vulnerable ones. This International Women’s Day, spend some time with four stories of hope and inspiration that teach us how to reflect on the past to build a better future.

1. Podcast Episode: Safer Sex Work Makes a Safer Internet

An internet that is safe for sex workers is an internet that is safer for everyone. Though the effects of stigmatization and criminalization run deep, the sex worker community exemplifies how technology can help people reduce harm, share support, and offer experienced analysis to protect each other. Public interest technology lawyer Kendra Albert and sex worker, activist, and researcher Danielle Blunt have been fighting for sex workers’ online rights for years and say that holding online platforms legally responsible for user speech can lead to censorship that hurts us all. They join EFF’s Cindy Cohn and Jason Kelley in this podcast to talk about protecting all of our free speech rights.

2. Speaking Freely: Sandra Ordoñez

Sandra (Sandy) Ordoñez is dedicated to protecting women being harassed online. Sandra is an experienced community engagement specialist, a proud NYC Latina resident of Sunset Park in Brooklyn, and a recipient of Fundación Carolina’s Hispanic Leadership Award. She is also a long-time diversity and inclusion advocate, with extensive experience incubating and creating FLOSS and Internet Freedom community tools. In this interview with EFF’s Jillian C. York, Sandra discusses free speech and how communities that are often the most directly affected are the last consulted.

3. Story: Coded Resistance, the Comic!

From the days of chattel slavery until the modern Black Lives Matter movement, Black communities have developed innovative ways to fight back against oppression. EFF's Director of Engineering, Alexis Hancock, documented this important history of codes, ciphers, underground telecommunications and dance in a blog post that became one of our favorite articles of 2021. In collaboration with The Nib and illustrator Chelsea Saunders, "Coded Resistance" was adapted into comic form to further explore these stories, from the coded songs of Harriet Tubman to Darnella Frazier recording the murder of George Floyd.

4. Speaking Freely: Evan Greer

Evan Greer is many things: a musician, an activist for LGBTQ issues, the Deputy Director of Fight for the Future, and a true believer in the free and open internet. In this interview, EFF’s Jillian C. York spoke with Evan about the state of free expression, and what we should be doing to protect the internet for future activism. Among the many topics discussed was how policies that promote censorship—no matter how well-intentioned—have historically benefited the powerful and harmed vulnerable or marginalized communities. Evan talks about what we as free expression activists should do to get at that tension and find solutions that work for everyone in society.

This blog is part of our International Women’s Day series. Read other articles about the fight for gender justice and equitable digital rights for all.

  1. Four Reasons to Protect the Internet this International Women’s Day
  2. Four Infosec Tools for Resistance this International Women’s Day
  3. Four Actions You Can Take To Protect Digital Rights this International Women’s Day

Four Infosec Tools for Resistance this International Women’s Day 

While online violence is alarmingly common globally, women are often more likely to be the target of mass online attacks, nonconsensual leaks of sensitive information and content, and other forms of online violence. 

This International Women’s Day, visit EFF’s Surveillance Self-Defense (SSD) to learn how to defend yourself and your friends from surveillance. In addition to tutorials for installing and using security-friendly software, SSD walks you through concepts like making a security plan, the importance of strong passwords, and protecting metadata.

1. Make Your Own Security Plan

This IWD, learn what a security plan looks like and how you can build one. Trying to protect your online data—like pictures, private messages, or documents—from everything all the time is impractical and exhausting. But, have no fear! Security is a process, and through thoughtful planning, you can put together a plan that’s best for you. Security isn’t just about the tools you use or the software you download. It begins with understanding the unique threats you face and how you can counter those threats. 

2. Protect Yourself on Social Networks

Depending on your circumstances, you may need to protect yourself against the social network itself, against other users of the site, or both. Social networks are among the most popular websites on the internet. Facebook, TikTok, and Instagram each have over a billion users. Social networks were generally built on the idea of sharing posts, photographs, and personal information. They have also become forums for organizing and speaking. Any of these activities can rely on privacy and pseudonymity. Visit our SSD guide to learn how to protect yourself.

3. Tips for Attending Protests

Keep yourself, your devices, and your community safe while you make your voice heard. Now, more than ever, people must be able to hold those in power accountable and inspire others through the act of protest. Protecting your electronic devices and digital assets before, during, and after a protest is vital to keeping yourself and your information safe, as well as getting your message out. Theft, damage, confiscation, or forced deletion of media can disrupt your ability to publish your experiences, and those engaging in protest may be subject to search or arrest, or have their movements and associations surveilled. 

4. Communicate Securely with Signal or WhatsApp

Everything you say in a chat app should be private, viewable by only you and the person you're talking with. But that's not how all chats or DMs work. Most of those communication tools aren't end-to-end encrypted, and that means that the company who runs that software could view your chats, or hand over transcripts to law enforcement. That's why it's best to use a chat app like Signal any time you can. Signal uses end-to-end encryption, which means that nobody, not even Signal, can see the contents of your chats. Of course, you can't necessarily force everyone you know to use the communication tool of your choice, but thankfully other popular tools, like Apple's Messages, WhatsApp and more recently, Facebook's Messenger, all use end-to-end encryption too, as long as you're communicating with others on those same platforms. The more people who use these tools, even for innocuous conversations, the better.

On International Women’s Day and every day, stay safe out there! Surveillance self-defense can help.

This blog is part of our International Women’s Day series. Read other articles about the fight for gender justice and equitable digital rights for all.

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Protect Good Faith Security Research Globally in Proposed UN Cybercrime Treaty

Par : Karen Gullo
7 février 2024 à 10:57

Statement submitted to the UN Ad Hoc Committee Secretariat by the Electronic Frontier Foundation, accredited under operative paragraph No. 9 of UN General Assembly Resolution 75/282, on behalf of 124 signatories.

We, the undersigned, representing a broad spectrum of the global security research community, write to express our serious concerns about the UN Cybercrime Treaty drafts released during the sixth session and the most recent one. These drafts pose substantial risks to global cybersecurity and significantly impact the rights and activities of good faith cybersecurity researchers.

Our community, which includes good faith security researchers in academia and cybersecurity companies, as well as those working independently, plays a critical role in safeguarding information technology systems. We identify vulnerabilities that, if left unchecked, can spread malware, cause data breaches, and give criminals access to sensitive information of millions of people. We rely on the freedom to openly discuss, analyze, and test these systems, free of legal threats.

The nature of our work is to research, discover, and report vulnerabilities in networks, operating systems, devices, firmware, and software. However, several provisions in the draft treaty risk hindering our work by categorizing much of it as criminal activity. If adopted in its current form, the proposed treaty would increase the risk that good faith security researchers could face prosecution, even when our goal is to enhance technological safety and educate the public on cybersecurity matters. It is critical that legal frameworks support our efforts to find and disclose technological weaknesses to make everyone more secure, rather than penalize us, and chill the very research and disclosure needed to keep us safe. This support is essential to improving the security and safety of technology for everyone across the world.

Equally important is our ability to differentiate our legitimate security research activities from malicious
exploitation of security flaws. Current laws focusing on “unauthorized access” can be misapplied to good faith security researchers, leading to unnecessary legal challenges. In addressing this, we must consider two potential obstacles to our vital work. Broad, undefined rules for prior authorization risk deterring good faith security researchers, as they may not understand when or under what circumstances they need permission. This lack of clarity could ultimately weaken everyone's online safety and security. Moreover, our work often involves uncovering unknown vulnerabilities. These are security weaknesses that no one, including the system's owners, knows about until we discover them. We cannot be certain what vulnerabilities we might find. Therefore, requiring us to obtain prior authorization for each potential discovery is impractical and overlooks the essence of our work.

The unique strength of the security research community lies in its global focus, which prioritizes safeguarding infrastructure and protecting users worldwide, often putting aside geopolitical interests. Our work, particularly the open publication of research, minimizes and prevents harm that could impact people
globally, transcending particular jurisdictions. The proposed treaty’s failure to exempt good faith security research from the expansive scope of its cybercrime prohibitions and to make the safeguards and limitations in Article 6-10 mandatory leaves the door wide open for states to suppress or control the flow of security related information. This would undermine the universal benefit of openly shared cybersecurity knowledge, and ultimately the safety and security of the digital environment.

We urge states to recognize the vital role the security research community plays in defending our digital ecosystem against cybercriminals, and call on delegations to ensure that the treaty supports, rather than hinders, our efforts to enhance global cybersecurity and prevent cybercrime. Specifically:

Article 6 (Illegal Access): This article risks criminalizing essential activities in security research, particularly where researchers access systems without prior authorization, to identify vulnerabilities. A clearer distinction is needed between malicious unauthorized access “without right” and “good faith” security research activities; safeguards for legitimate activities should be mandatory. A malicious intent requirementincluding an intent to cause damage, defraud, or harmis needed to avoid criminal liability for accidental or unintended access to a computer system, as well as for good faith security testing.

Article 6 should not use the ambiguous term “without right” as a basis for establishing criminal liability for
unauthorized access. Apart from potentially criminalizing security research, similar provisions have also been misconstrued to attach criminal liability to minor violations committed deliberately or accidentally by authorized users. For example, violation of private terms of service (TOS)a minor infraction ordinarily considered a civil issuecould be elevated into a criminal offense category via this treaty on a global scale.

Additionally, the treaty currently gives states the option to define unauthorized access in national law as the bypassing of security measures. This should not be optional, but rather a mandatory safeguard, to avoid criminalizing routine behavior such as c
hanging one’s IP address, inspecting website code, and accessing unpublished URLs. Furthermore, it is crucial to specify that the bypassed security measures must be actually "effective." This distinction is important because it ensures that criminalization is precise and scoped to activities that cause harm. For instance, bypassing basic measures like geoblockingwhich can be done innocently simply by changing locationshould not be treated the same as overcoming robust security barriers with the intention to cause harm.

By adopting this safeguard and ensuring that security measures are indeed effective, the proposed treaty would shield researchers from arbitrary criminal sanctions for good faith security research.

These changes would clarify unauthorized access, more clearly differentiating malicious hacking from legitimate cybersecurity practices like security research and vulnerability testing. Adopting these amendments would enhance protection for cybersecurity efforts and more effectively address concerns about harmful or fraudulent unauthorized intrusions.

Article 7 (Illegal Interception): Analysis of network traffic is also a common practice in cybersecurity; this article currently risks criminalizing such analysis and should similarly be narrowed to require criminal intent (mens rea) to harm or defraud.

Article 8 (Interference with Data) and Article 9 (Interference with Computer Systems): These articles may inadvertently criminalize acts of security research, which often involve testing the robustness of systems by simulating attacks through interferences. As with prior articles, criminal intent to cause harm or defraud is not mandated, and a requirement that the activity cause serious harm is absent from Article 9 and optional in Article 8. These safeguards should be mandatory.

Article 10 (Misuse of Devices): The broad scope of this article could criminalize the legitimate use of tools employed in cybersecurity research, thereby affecting the development and use of these tools. Under the current draft, Article 10(2) specifically addresses the misuse of cybersecurity tools. It criminalizes obtaining, producing, or distributing these tools only if they are intended for committing cybercrimes as defined in Articles 6 to 9 (which cover illegal access, interception, data interference, and system interference). However, this also raises a concern. If Articles 6 to 9 do not explicitly protect activities like security testing, Article 10(2) may inadvertently criminalize security researchers. These researchers often use similar tools for legitimate purposes, like testing and enhancing systems security. Without narrow scope and clear safeguards in Articles 6-9, these well-intentioned activities could fall under legal scrutiny, despite not being aligned with the criminal malicious intent (mens rea) targeted by Article 10(2).

Article 22 (Jurisdiction): In combination with other provisions about measures that may be inappropriately used to punish or deter good-faith security researchers, the overly broad jurisdictional scope outlined in Article 22 also raises significant concerns. Under the article's provisions, security researchers discovering or disclosing vulnerabilities to keep the digital ecosystem secure could be subject to criminal prosecution simultaneously across multiple jurisdictions. This would have a chilling effect on essential security research globally and hinder researchers' ability to contribute to global cybersecurity. To mitigate this, we suggest revising Article 22(5) to prioritize “determining the most appropriate jurisdiction for prosecution” rather than “coordinating actions.” This shift could prevent the redundant prosecution of security researchers. Additionally, deleting Article 17 and limiting the scope of procedural and international cooperation measures to crimes defined in Articles 6 to 16 would further clarify and protect against overreach.

Article 28(4): This article is gravely concerning from a cybersecurity perspective. It empowers authorities to compel “any individual” with knowledge of computer systems to provide any “necessary information” for conducting searches and seizures of computer systems. This provision can be abused to force security experts, software engineers and/or tech employees to expose sensitive or proprietary information. It could also encourage authorities to bypass normal channels within companies and coerce individual employees, under the threat of criminal prosecution, to provide assistance in subverting technical access controls such as credentials, encryption, and just-in-time approvals without their employers’ knowledge. This dangerous paragraph must be removed in favor of the general duty for custodians of information to comply with lawful orders to the extent of their ability.

Security researchers
whether within organizations or independentdiscover, report and assist in fixing tens of thousands of critical Common Vulnerabilities and Exposure (CVE) reported over the lifetime of the National Vulnerability Database. Our work is a crucial part of the security landscape, yet often faces serious legal risk from overbroad cybercrime legislation.

While the proposed UN CybercrimeTreaty's core cybercrime provisions closely mirror the Council of
Europe’s Budapest Convention, the impact of cybercrime regimes and security research has evolved considerably in the two decades since that treaty was adopted in 2001. In that time, good faith cybersecurity researchers have faced significant repercussions for responsibly identifying security flaws. Concurrently, a number of countries have enacted legislative or other measures to protect the critical line of defense this type of research provides. The UN Treaty should learn from these past experiences by explicitly exempting good faith cybersecurity research from the scope of the treaty. It should also make existing safeguards and limitations mandatory. This change is essential to protect the crucial work of good faith security researchers and ensure the treaty remains effective against current and future cybersecurity challenges.

Since these negotiations began, we had hoped that governments would adopt a treaty that strengthens global computer security and enhances our ability to combat cybercrime. Unfortunately, the draft text, as written, would have the opposite effect. The current text would weaken cybersecurity and make it easier for malicious actors to create or exploit weaknesses in the digital ecosystem by subjecting us to criminal prosecution for good faith work that keeps us all safer. Such an outcome would undermine the very purpose of the treaty: to protect individuals and our institutions from cybercrime.

To be submitted by the Electronic Frontier Foundation, accredited under operative paragraph No. 9 of UN General Assembly Resolution 75/282 on behalf of 124 signatories.

Individual Signatories
Jobert Abma, Co-Founder, HackerOne (United States)
Martin Albrecht, Chair of Cryptography, King's College London (Global) Nicholas Allegra (United States)
Ross Anderson, Universities of Edinburgh and Cambridge (United Kingdom)
Diego F. Aranha, Associate Professor, Aarhus University (Denmark)
Kevin Beaumont, Security researcher (Global) Steven Becker (Global)
Janik Besendorf, Security Researcher (Global) Wietse Boonstra (Global)
Juan Brodersen, Cybersecurity Reporter, Clarin (Argentina)
Sven Bugiel, Faculty, CISPA Helmholtz Center for Information Security (Germany)
Jon Callas, Founder and Distinguished Engineer, Zatik Security (Global)
Lorenzo Cavallaro, Professor of Computer Science, University College London (Global)
Joel Cardella, Cybersecurity Researcher (Global)
Inti De Ceukelaire (Belgium)
Enrique Chaparro, Information Security Researcher (Global)
David Choffnes, Associate Professor and Executive Director of the Cybersecurity and Privacy Institute at Northeastern University (United States/Global)
Gabriella Coleman, Full Professor Harvard University (United States/Europe)
Cas Cremers, Professor and Faculty, CISPA Helmholtz Center for Information Security (Global)
Daniel Cuthbert (Europe, Middle East, Africa)
Ron Deibert, Professor and Director, the Citizen Lab at the University of Toronto's Munk School (Canada)
Domingo, Security Incident Handler, Access Now (Global)
Stephane Duguin, CEO, CyberPeace Institute (Global)
Zakir Durumeric, Assistant Professor of Computer Science, Stanford University; Chief Scientist, Censys (United States)
James Eaton-Lee, CISO, NetHope (Global)
Serge Egelman, University of California, Berkeley; Co-Founder and Chief Scientist, AppCensus (United States/Global)
Jen Ellis, Founder, NextJenSecurity (United Kingdom/Global)
Chris Evans, Chief Hacking Officer @ HackerOne; Founder @ Google Project Zero (United States)
Dra. Johanna Caterina Faliero, Phd; Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Buenos Aires; Professor, University of National Defence (Argentina/Global))
Dr. Ali Farooq, University of Strathclyde, United Kingdom (Global)
Victor Gevers, co-founder of the Dutch Institute for Vulnerability Disclosure (Netherlands)
Abir Ghattas (Global)
Ian Goldberg, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Privacy Enhancing Technologies, University of Waterloo (Canada)
Matthew D. Green, Associate Professor, Johns Hopkins University (United States)
Harry Grobbelaar, Chief Customer Officer, Intigriti (Global)
Juan Andrés Guerrero-Saade, Associate Vice President of Research, SentinelOne (United States/Global)
Mudit Gupta, Chief Information Security Officer, Polygon (Global)
Hamed Haddadi, Professor of Human-Centred Systems at Imperial College London; Chief Scientist at Brave Software (Global)
J. Alex Halderman, Professor of Computer Science & Engineering and Director of the Center for Computer Security & Society, University of Michigan (United States)
Joseph Lorenzo Hall, PhD, Distinguished Technologist, The Internet Society
Dr. Ryan Henry, Assistant Professor and Director of Masters of Information Security and Privacy Program, University of Calgary (Canada)
Thorsten Holz, Professor and Faculty, CISPA Helmholtz Center for Information Security, Germany (Global)
Joran Honig, Security Researcher (Global)
Wouter Honselaar, MSc student security; hosting engineer & volunteer, Dutch Institute for Vulnerability Disclosure (DIVD)(Netherlands)
Prof. Dr. Jaap-Henk Hoepman (Europe)
Christian “fukami” Horchert (Germany / Global)
Andrew 'bunnie' Huang, Researcher (Global)
Dr. Rodrigo Iglesias, Information Security, Lawyer (Argentina)
Hudson Jameson, Co-Founder - Security Alliance (SEAL)(Global)
Stijn Jans, CEO of Intigriti (Global)
Gerard Janssen, Dutch Institute for Vulnerability Disclosure (DIVD)(Netherlands)
JoyCfTw, Hacktivist (United States/Argentina/Global)
Doña Keating, President and CEO, Professional Options LLC (Global)

Olaf Kolkman, Principal, Internet Society (Global)Federico Kirschbaum, Co-Founder & CEO of Faraday Security, Co-Founder of Ekoparty Security Conference (Argentina/Global)
Xavier Knol, Cybersecurity Analyst and Researcher (Global) , Principal, Internet Society (Global)
Micah Lee, Director of Information Security, The Intercept (United States)
Jan Los (Europe/Global)
Matthias Marx, Hacker (Global)
Keane Matthews, CISSP (United States)
René Mayrhofer, Full Professor and Head of Institute of Networks and Security, Johannes Kepler University Linz, Austria (Austria/Global)
Ron Mélotte (Netherlands)
Hans Meuris (Global)
Marten Mickos, CEO, HackerOne (United States)
Adam Molnar, Assistant Professor, Sociology and Legal Studies, University of Waterloo (Canada/Global)
Jeff Moss, Founder of the information security conferences DEF CON and Black Hat (United States)
Katie Moussouris, Founder and CEO of Luta Security; coauthor of ISO standards on vulnerability disclosure and handling processes (Global)
Alec Muffett, Security Researcher (United Kingdom)
Kurt Opsahl,
Associate General Counsel for Cybersecurity and Civil Liberties Policy, Filecoin Foundation; President, Security Researcher Legal Defense Fund (Global)
Ivan "HacKan" Barrera Oro (Argentina)
Chris Palmer, Security Engineer (Global)
Yanna Papadodimitraki, University of Cambridge (United Kingdom/European Union/Global)
Sunoo Park, New York University (United States)
Mathias Payer, Associate Professor, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL)(Global)
Giancarlo Pellegrino, Faculty, CISPA Helmholtz Center for Information Security, Germany (Global)
Fabio Pierazzi, King’s College London (Global)
Bart Preneel, full professor, University of Leuven, Belgium (Global)
Michiel Prins, Founder @ HackerOne (United States)
Joel Reardon, Professor of Computer Science, University of Calgary, Canada; Co-Founder of AppCensus (Global)
Alex Rice, Co-Founder & CTO, HackerOne (United States)
René Rehme, rehme.infosec (Germany)
Tyler Robinson, Offensive Security Researcher (United States)
Michael Roland, Security Researcher and Lecturer, Institute of Networks and Security, Johannes Kepler University Linz; Member, SIGFLAG - Verein zur (Austria/Europe/Global)
Christian Rossow, Professor and Faculty, CISPA Helmholtz Center for Information Security, Germany (Global)
Pilar Sáenz, Coordinator Digital Security and Privacy Lab, Fundación Karisma (Colombia)
Runa Sandvik, Founder, Granitt (United States/Global)
Koen Schagen (Netherlands)
Sebastian Schinzel, Professor at University of Applied Sciences Münster and Fraunhofer SIT (Germany)
Bruce Schneier, Fellow and Lecturer, Harvard Kennedy School (United States)
HFJ Schokkenbroek (hp197), IFCAT board member (Netherlands)
Javier Smaldone, Security Researcher (Argentina)
Guillermo Suarez-Tangil, Assistant Professor, IMDEA Networks Institute (Global)
Juan Tapiador, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Spain (Global)
Dr Daniel R. Thomas, University of Strathclyde, StrathCyber, Computer & Information Sciences (United Kingdom)
Cris Thomas (Space Rogue), IBM X-Force (United States/Global)
Carmela Troncoso, Assistant Professor, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL) (Global)
Narseo Vallina-Rodriguez, Research Professor at IMDEA Networks/Co-founder AppCensus Inc (Global)
Jeroen van der Broek, IT Security Engineer (Netherlands)
Jeroen van der Ham-de Vos, Associate Professor, University of Twente, The Netherlands (Global)
Charl van der Walt (Head of Security Research, Orange Cyberdefense (a division of Orange Networks)(South Arfica/France/Global)
Chris van 't Hof, Managing Director DIVD, Dutch Institute for Vulnerability Disclosure (Global) Dimitri Verhoeven (Global)
Tarah Wheeler, CEO Red Queen Dynamics & Senior Fellow Global Cyber Policy, Council on Foreign Relations (United States)
Dominic White, Ethical Hacking Director, Orange Cyberdefense (a division of Orange Networks)(South Africa/Europe)
Eddy Willems, Security Evangelist (Global)
Christo Wilson, Associate Professor, Northeastern University (United States) Robin Wilton, IT Consultant (Global)
Tom Wolters (Netherlands)
Mehdi Zerouali, Co-founder & Director, Sigma Prime (Australia/Global)

Organizational Signatories
Dutch Institute for Vulnerability Disclosure (DIVD)(Netherlands)
Fundacin Via Libre (Argentina)
Good Faith Cybersecurity Researchers Coalition (European Union)
Access Now (Global)
Chaos Computer Club (CCC)(Europe)
HackerOne (Global)
Hacking Policy Council (United States)
HINAC (Hacking is not a Crime)(United States/Argentina/Global)
Intigriti (Global)
Jolo Secure (Latin America)
K+LAB, Digital security and privacy Lab, Fundación Karisma (Colombia)
Luta Security (Global)
OpenZeppelin (United States)
Professional Options LLC (Global)
Stichting International Festivals for Creative Application of Technology Foundation

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